Tuesday, July 28, 2015

Remarks on Arrival at Seattle, Washington


The American Presidency Project

George W. Bush

XLIII President of the United States: 2001 - 2009

The President's Radio Address

September 25, 2004

The war for Iraq's freedom is a fight against some of the most ruthless and brutal men on Earth. In such a struggle, there will be good days, and there will be difficult days.


The American Presidency Project

Gerald Ford

XXXVIII President of the United States: 1974 - 1977

Proclamation 4345 - Program for the Return of Vietnam Era Draft Evaders and Military Deserters

January 30, 1975

By the President of the United States of America

A Proclamation


On September 16, 1974, I issued Proclamation No. 4313, announcing a program of earned return for those convicted and accused of violating certain provisions of the Selective Service Act or the Uniform Code of Military Justice during the Vietnam conflict.

Upon careful review of the progress of this program, I believe that many of those persons who could benefit from this program are only now learning of its application to their cases. Therefore, I am extending the date by which all applications must be received.

Now, Therefore, I, Gerald R. Ford, President of the United States of America, pursuant to my powers under Article II of the Constitution, do hereby proclaim that Proclamation No. 4313 is amended as follows:

SECTION 1. Paragraph (i) of Section 1 is amended to read as follows:

"presents himself to a United States Attorney before March 1, 1975,".

SEC. 2. The first paragraph of Section 2 is amended by striking out the date "January 31, 1975," after the words "offenses directly related thereto if before" and inserting in place thereof "March 1, 1975,".

In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand this thirtieth day of January, in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred seventy-five, and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred ninety-ninth.





World War I

Kaiser Wilhelm of Germany and Czar Nicholas of Russia exchange telegrams

In the early hours of July 29, 1914, Czar Nicholas II of Russia and his first cousin, Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany, begin a frantic exchange of telegrams regarding the newly erupted war in the Balkan region and the possibility of its escalation into a general European war.

One day prior, Austria-Hungary had declared war on Serbia, one month after the assassination in Sarajevo of Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife by a Serbian nationalist. In the wake of the killings, Germany had promised Austria-Hungary its unconditional support in whatever punitive action it chose to take towards Serbia, regardless of whether or not Serbia’s powerful ally, Russia, stepped into the conflict. By the time an ultimatum from Vienna to Serbia was rejected on July 25, Russia, defying Austro-German expectations, had already ordered preliminary mobilization to begin, believing that Berlin was using the assassination crisis as a pretext to launch a war to shore up its power in the Balkans.

The relationship between Nicholas and Wilhelm, two grandsons of Britain’s Queen Victoria, had long been a rocky one. Though Wilhelm described himself as Victoria’s favorite grandson, the great queen in turn warned Nicholas to be careful of Wilhelm’s “mischievous and unstraight-forward proceedings.” Victoria did not invite the kaiser, who she described to her prime minister as “a hot-headed, conceited, and wrong-headed young man,” to her Diamond Jubilee celebration in 1897, nor her 80th birthday two years later. Czar Nicholas himself commented in 1902 after a meeting with Wilhelm: “He’s raving mad!” Now, however, the two cousins stood at the center of the crisis that would soon escalate into the First World War.

“In this serious moment, I appeal to you to help me,” Czar Nicholas wrote to the kaiser in a telegram sent at one o’clock on the morning of July 29. “An ignoble war has been declared to a weak country. The indignation in Russia shared fully by me is enormous. I foresee that very soon I shall be overwhelmed by the pressure forced upon me and be forced to take extreme measures which will lead to war.” This message crossed with one from Wilhelm to Nicholas expressing concern about the effect of Austria’s declaration in Russia and urging calm and consideration as a response.

After receiving the czar’s telegram, Wilhelm cabled back: “I…share your wish that peace should be maintained. But…I cannot consider Austria’s action against Serbia an ‘ignoble’ war. Austria knows by experience that Serbian promises on paper are wholly unreliable. I understand its action must be judged as trending to get full guarantee that the Serbian promises shall become real facts…I therefore suggest that it would be quite possible for Russia to remain a spectator of the Austro-Serbian conflict without involving Europe in the most horrible war she ever witnessed.” Though Wilhelm assured the czar that the German government was working to broker an agreement between Russia and Austria-Hungary, he warned that if Russia were to take military measures against Austria, war would be the result.

The telegram exchange continued over the next few days, as the two men spoke of their desire to preserve peace, even as their respective countries continued mobilizing for war. On July 30, the kaiser wrote to Nicholas: “I have gone to the utmost limits of the possible in my efforts to save peace….Even now, you can still save the peace of Europe by stopping your military measures.” The following day, Nicholas replied: “It is technically impossible to stop our military preparations which were obligatory owing to Austria’s mobilization. We are far from wishing for war. As long as the negotiations with Austria on Serbia’s account are taking place my troops shall not make any provocative action. I give you my solemn word for this.” But by that time things had gone too far: Emperor Franz Josef had rejected the kaiser’s mediation offer, saying it came too late, as Russia had already mobilized and Austrian troops were already marching on Serbia.

The German ambassador to Russia delivered an ultimatum that night—halt the mobilization within 12 hours, or Germany would begin its own mobilization, a step that would logically proceed to war. By four o’clock in the afternoon of August 1, in Berlin, no reply had come from Russia. At a meeting with Germany’s civilian and military leaders—Chancellor Theobald Bethmann von Hollweg and General Erich von Falkenhayn—Kaiser Wilhelm agreed to sign the mobilization orders.

That same day, in his last contribution to what were dubbed the “Willy-Nicky” telegrams, Czar Nicholas pressed the kaiser for assurance that his mobilization did not definitely mean war. Wilhelm’s response was dismissive. “I yesterday pointed out to your government the way by which alone war may be avoided….I have…been obliged to mobilize my army. Immediate affirmative clear and unmistakable answer from your government is the only way to avoid endless misery. Until I have received this answer alas, I am unable to discuss the subject of your telegram. As a matter of fact I must request you to immediatly [sic] order your troops on no account to commit the slightest act of trespassing over our frontiers.” Germany declared war on Russia that same day.

From 9/27/1984 ( from my official United States Navy documents: "UA from class from 0600-0800" ) To 9/25/2004 is 7303 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 10/31/1985 ( "Soviet warships being watched in Gulf" ) is 7303 days

From 8/4/1965 ( Lyndon Johnson - Executive Order 11240 - The Board of the Foreign Service and the Board of Examiners for the Foreign Service ) To 6/27/2004 ( I successfully completed the Ironman Coeur d'Alene triathlon ) is 14207 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 9/25/2004 is 14207 days

From 3/15/1965 ( Lyndon Johnon - Special Message to the Congress: The American Promise ) To 2/6/2004 ( my final day working at Microsoft Corporation as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and the deputy director of the United States Marshals Service and the United States Marine Corps brigadier general circa 2004 ) is 14207 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 9/25/2004 is 14207 days

From 6/12/1992 ( George Bush - Address to the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil ) To 9/25/2004 is 4488 days

4488 = 2244 + 2244

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 12/25/1971 ( George Walker Bush the purveyor of illegal drugs strictly for his personal profit including the trafficking of massive amounts of cocaine into the United States confined to federal prison in Mexico for illegally smuggling narcotics in Mexico ) is 2244 days

From 5/12/1991 ( I was the winning race driver at the Formula One Monaco Grand Prix ) To 9/25/2004 is 4885 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 3/19/1979 ( premiere US TV movie "You're the Greatest, Charlie Brown" ) is 4885 days

From 12/20/1994 ( in Bosnia as Kerry Wayne Burgess the United States Marine Corps captain this day is my United States Navy Cross medal date of record ) To 9/25/2004 is 3567 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 8/9/1975 ( Gerald Ford - Remarks at the Awarding of the NASA Distinguished Service Medal to Americans Participating in the Apollo-Soyuz Test Project ) is 3567 days

From 6/29/1995 ( the Mir space station docking of the United States space shuttle Atlantis orbiter vehicle mission STS-71 includes my biological brother United States Navy Fleet Admiral Thomas Reagan the spacecraft and mission commander and me Kerry Wayne Burgess the United States Marine Corps officer and United States STS-71 pilot astronaut ) To 9/25/2004 is 3376 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 1/30/1975 ( Gerald Ford - Proclamation 4345 - Program for the Return of Vietnam Era Draft Evaders and Military Deserters ) is 3376 days

From 10/1/1973 ( George Walker Bush released fraudulently from Texas Air National Guard obligated service ) To 9/25/2004 is 11317 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 10/27/1996 ( premiere US TV series episode "The Simpsons"::"Treehouse of Horror VII" ) is 11317 days

From 10/3/1993 ( the Battle of Mogadishu Somalia begins ) To 9/25/2004 is 4010 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 10/25/1976 ( Gerald Ford - Remarks on Arrival at Seattle, Washington ) is 4010 days

From 4/8/1955 ( premiere US film "The Silver Star" ) To 3/1/1994 ( Bill Clinton - Letter to Congressional Leaders Reporting on NATO Action in Bosnia ) is 14207 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 9/25/2004 is 14207 days

From 2/24/1952 ( premiere US film "Aladdin and His Lamp" ) To 1/17/1991 ( the date of record of my United States Navy Medal of Honor as Kerry Wayne Burgess chief warrant officer United States Marine Corps circa 1991 also known as Matthew Kline for official duty and also known as Wayne Newman for official duty ) is 14207 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 9/25/2004 is 14207 days

From 2/24/1952 ( premiere US film "Aladdin and His Lamp" ) To 1/17/1991 ( RACKETEER INFLUENCED AND CORRUPT ORGANIZATIONS US Title 18 - the Persian Gulf War begins as scheduled severe criminal activity against the United States of America ) is 14207 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 9/25/2004 is 14207 days

From 7/29/1914 ( Czar Nicholas of Russia pleads for help from Kaiser Wilhelm of Germany ) To 5/14/1992 ( as Kerry Wayne Burgess the United States Marine Corps chief warrant officer circa 1992 and United States chief test pilot I performed the first flight of the US Army and Boeing AH-64D Apache Longbow ) is 28414 days

28414 = 14207 + 14207

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 9/25/2004 is 14207 days




For Immediate Release

Office of the Vice President

September 25, 2004

Vice President's Remarks at a Dinner for Coburn

Doubletree Hotel Tulsa

Tulsa, Oklahoma

September 24, 2004

6:30 P.M. CDT

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you all very much. (Applause.) Well, thank you for the warm welcome. It's to be back in Tulsa and in Oklahoma. And by the looks of things tonight, Tulsa must be Bush-Cheney country. (Applause.)

Now, Lynne claims she's known me since I was 14, but she wouldn't go out with me until I was 17. (Laughter.) And I tell people we actually got married because Dwight Eisenhower got elected President of the United States. In 1952, when he ran, I was living in Lincoln, Nebraska, just a youngster with my folks. And Dad worked for the Soil Conservation Service. Eisenhower got elected, reorganized the government, Dad got transferred to Casper, Wyoming -- which is where I met Lynne. We grew up together, went to high school together, and here about two weeks ago celebrated our 40th wedding anniversary. (Applause.) I explained that to a group the other night that if it hadn't been for Eisenhower's election victory, Lynne would have married somebody else. And she said, right, and now he'd be Vice President of the United States. (Laughter.) Absolutely true.

But we're here tonight for a very special reason, and that's to support Dr. Tom Coburn and make sure he's the next United States Senator from Oklahoma. (Applause.) Oklahoma has a superb tradition in Washington. And I want to thank Don Nickles for joining us tonight. He has served your state extraordinarily well in the United States Senate for the last 24 years, and we're going to miss him. (Applause.) And I also am delighted that Jim Inhofe is here tonight. Jim and I served together in the House before he achieved exalted rank as a member of the United States Senate. He does a great job, as well, and he needs a good ally in the United States Senate, and the man for that job is Tom Coburn. (Applause.)

Tom is a proven conservative leader, great experience in the House. We need him in Washington. And in a Senate as closely divided as today, every single seat counts.

And let me say just a moment -- spend a moment or two talking about how close the Senate is divided these days. When they wrote the Constitution, they created the post of Vice President. But they got down to the end of the Constitution Convention and they hadn't given him anything to do, so they decided they'd make him the presiding officer in the Senate. So that's my only real job. And I go up and have lunch every Tuesday with my colleagues, the Republican senators. I'm actually paid by the Senate -- half my staff is paid by the Senate. The Vice President of the United States is a creature of the Senate. So I spend a fair amount of time there. And one of the things you do is to cast tie-breaking votes. And last year, I cast three tie-breaking votes, in '03. One of those was on the basic budget resolution that set up the overall parameters for the total package that made room in it for the very significant tax reduction that we passed in '03. The second tie-breaking vote I cast was to reduce the double-taxation of dividends and cut the rate on capital gains. And the third tie-breaking vote I cast was to pass the tax bill. And that tax bill was absolutely vital. (Applause.)

Now, I don't deserve any special credit for casting that vote because after a morning session in the Oval Office, I went to the Hill with some specific instructions that day from the President of the United States. (Laughter.) I knew what he wanted me to do. But the fact is, that package that we passed last year that hung by a threat -- if we'd had one less vote in the Senate, we would not have had last year's tax bill. And that tax bill was directly responsible for the economic growth that we've seen over the course of the last year now. We would not have the recovery we have, if we hadn't passed those tax measures last year. And I would note in passing that Mr. Carson, Congressman Carson voted against those measures in the House of Representatives. It's absolutely essential as we go forward here that we keep in mind that this isn't just about a seat for Oklahoma. This is also about control of the United States Senate and our capacity to be able to get the kind of support on the Hill that the President absolutely has to have going forward on the basic fundamental issues and programs of the day.

It's also about who controls all those key committees in the United States Senate, and about a choice for example, between having Orrin Hatch from Utah as chairman of the judiciary committee, or Pat Leahy from Vermont as chairman of the judiciary committee. And you can walk right down through all the committee structure. Jim Inhofe runs a crucial committee, environment and public works. Jim Jeffords of Vermont will take over that committee if we don't retain control of the Senate for the United States. So as the President of the Senate, I'm here tonight, also as somebody who I think shares the Oklahoma values, and who believes very deeply in what Tom Coburn represents and what Don Nickles has stood for over the years. It is absolutely essential that Tom Coburn be the next United States senator from Oklahoma. (Applause.)

Tom shares our commitment to a secure America. He has pledged to work with the President to keep our economy strong by making the Bush tax cuts permanent. He's a man of action, not just a man of words. In the House, he strongly supported tax relief and co-sponsored legislation to reduce the marriage penalty and end the death tax. He is also a family physician who maintained his practice while in Congress. He knows that better, more affordable health care requires that we focus on what is best for patients, not personal injury lawyers. (Applause.)

The President and I are pleased to be on the ballot with Tom this year. And come next January, I look forward to swearing him in as the new Senator from the state of Oklahoma. (Applause.)

As I said in my convention speech in New York City, I'm mindful that I now have an opponent. People keep telling me that Senator Edwards got picked for his good looks, his charm, because he's sexy and has great hair. (Laughter.) I said, "How do you think I got the job?"

In all seriousness, though, this is a very important election ?- it could not come at a more crucial time in our history. Today we face an enemy every bit as intent on destroying us as were the Axis powers in World War II. And from the night of September 11th to this day, America has left no doubt where we stand. We have no illusions about the nature of this struggle, or the character of the enemy we face. The beheading of two American hostages, one of them originally from Oklahoma, this week is another grim reminder of the evil nature of our adversaries. This is not an enemy we can reason with or negotiate with or appease. This is, to put it simply, an enemy that we must destroy. With President George W. Bush as our Commander-in-Chief, that is exactly what we will do. (Applause.)

Under the President's leadership, we have reached around the world to capture and kill hundreds of al Qaeda. In Afghanistan, where terrorists trained in camps to kill Americans, the camps have been closed, and the Taliban driven from power. In Iraq, we dealt with a gathering threat, and removed the regime of Saddam Hussein. Eighteen months ago, he controlled the lives and the fortunes of 25 million people. Tonight, he sits in jail. (Applause.)

Yesterday, Don and Jim and I sat in the chamber of the House of Representatives as Ayad Allawi, the Prime Minister of a new, free Iraq, addressed the joint session of the Congress and said, "thank you America." (Applause.) He noted the struggle in Iraq is tough and that there have been and will be setbacks. But he also noted there is progress. Iraqi children are in school; security forces are being trained; the country is on a course toward free elections. Prime Minister Allawi is a brave man. Some years ago, Saddam Hussein sent killers after him with axes. They tried to hack him to death in his bed. He is a brave and a determined leader, and I was appalled by the complete lack of respect Senator Kerry showed for this man of courage when he rushed out to hold a press conference and attack the Prime Minister shortly after his remarks yesterday. (Applause.)

Prime Minister Allawi is our ally. Senator Kerry's sagging poll numbers have led him to think he has to go on the attack, and he did that once again this morning. He gave a speech assailing the President and suggesting that Iraq was not a home for terrorists before America deposed Saddam Hussein. But, ladies and gentlemen, Saddam himself was a terrorist. (Applause.) He provided safe haven for terrorists over the years; he was making $25,000 payments to the families of suicide bombers; and he had a relationship with al Qaeda. Iraq, for years, was listed by the U.S. State Department as one of the leading state sponsors of terror in the world. America does not create terrorists. But under President Bush, we will defeat them. (Applause.) And we will defeat them where they live and plot and plan so that we do not have to fight them on the streets of our own cities. (Applause.)

President Bush's steadfast leadership and clear determination sent a very important signal. Just five days after Saddam was captured, the government of Libya agreed to abandon its nuclear weapons program and turn the materials over to the United States, and to reenter the community of nations. (Applause.)

The biggest danger we face today is having nuclear weapons fall into the hands of terrorists. The President is working with many countries in a global effort to end the trade and transfer of these deadly technologies. The most important result -- and it is a very important one -- is that the black-market network that supplied nuclear weapons technology to Libya to Iran and to North Korea has been shut down. (Applause.) The world's worst source of nuclear proliferation is out business, and we are all safer as a result. (Applause.)

We could not have succeeded in these efforts without the help of dozens of countries around the world. We will always seek international support for international efforts, but as President Bush has made very clear, there is a difference between leading a coalition of many nations and submitting to the objections of a few. We will never seek a permission slip to defend the United States of America. (Applause.)

America faces a choice on November 2nd between a strong and steadfast President and his opponent, who seems to adopt a new position every day. Earlier this week, John Kerry gave us yet another position on the war in Iraq. He attacked the progress we are making and the policies that have been implemented. Yet despite all the harsh rhetoric, Senator Kerry endorsed many of the same goals President Bush has been pursuing for months. Senator Kerry also said that under his leadership, more of America's friends would speak with one voice on Iraq. That seems a little odd coming from a guy who doesn't speak with one voice himself. (Laughter and applause.)

By his repeated efforts to recast and redefine the war on terror and our operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, Senator Kerry has given every indication that he lacks the resolve, the determination and the conviction to prevail in the conflict we face.

The position Senator Kerry adopted most recently seems to be that he would not have supported the use of force to remove Saddam Hussein's regime -- and that removing Saddam was -- somehow weakened our national security. Nine months ago when Howard Dean took that similar position during the Democratic primaries, Senator Kerry said, and I quote: "Those who doubted whether Iraq or the world would be better off without Saddam Hussein, and those who believe today that we are not safer with his capture, don't have the judgment to be President or the credibility to be elected President." (Applause.) The only thing I have to say to that is, I'm Dick Cheney and I approve this message. (Laughter and applause.)

All the shifts Senator Kerry has made are troubling, but there is one that really stands out. It starts with Senator Kerry and his running-mate, Senator Edwards, voting in favor of using force against Saddam Hussein. But then, when it came time to vote for funds that would provide our fighting men and women with body armor, ammunition, jet fuel, and spare parts, Senators Kerry and Edwards voted no. Only 12 members of the United States Senate opposed the funding that would provide vital resources for the troops. Only four Senators voted for the use of force and against the resources our men and women in uniform needed once they were in combat. Only four. And Senators Kerry and Edwards were two of those four.

At first Senator Kerry said he didn't really oppose the funding. He both supported and opposed it. Then he said, and I quote, "I actually voted for the $87 billion before I voted against it." That certainly clears things up. (Laughter.) Lately he's been saying he's proud that he and John Edwards voted no, and explains his decision was "complicated."

But funding American troops in combat should never be a complicated question. (Applause.) We need a President who will back our troops 100 percent, and that's exactly what we've got in George W. Bush. (Applause.)

These are not times for leaders who shift with the political winds, saying one thing one day and another the next. Our troops, our allies, and our enemies must know where America stands. The President of the United States must be clear and consistent. In his years in Washington, John Kerry has been one of a hundred votes in the United States Senate -? and fortunately on matters of national security, his views rarely prevailed. But the presidency is an entirely different proposition. A senator can be wrong for 20 years, without consequence to the nation. But a President -? a President -? always casts the deciding vote. And in this time of challenge, America needs -? and America has ?- a President we can count on to get it right. (Applause.)

President Bush knows that our dedicated servicemen and women represent the very best of the United States of America. And I want to thank them and all the veterans here tonight for what they have done for all of us. (Applause.) One of the most important commitments that the President made during that 2000 campaign was that our armed forces would be given the resources they need and the respect they deserve -- and he has kept his word to the U.S. military.

On Iraq, Senator Kerry has disagreed with many of his fellow Democrats. But Senator Kerry's liveliest disagreement is with himself. (Laughter.) His back-and-forth reflects a habit of indecision, and sends a message of confusion. But it's all part of a pattern. He has, in the last several years, been for the No Child Left Behind Act -? and against it; spoken in favor of the North American Free Trade Agreement -- and against it. He has been for the Patriot Act -- and against it. Senator Kerry says he sees two Americas. It makes the whole thing mutual -- America sees two John Kerrys. (Laughter and applause.)

Our country requires strong and consistent leadership for our actions overseas, and the same is true for our policies here at home. When President Bush and I stood on the inaugural platform on the west front of the Capitol and took the oath of office, our economy was sliding into recession. Then terrorists struck our nation and shook the economy once again. We faced a basic decision -? to leave more money with families and businesses, or to take more of the American people's hard-earned money for the federal government. President Bush made his choice. He proposed and he delivered tax savings to the American people -- not once, not twice, but three times. (Applause.)

Every American who pays federal income taxes, including 1 million here in Oklahoma, benefited from the Bush tax cuts -? and so has our economy. We've created jobs for the last 12 consecutive months -? a total of about 1.7 million new jobs over the past year -? and a 144,000 new jobs in the last month alone. Here in Oklahoma, 16,500 jobs have been added since January 2004. Mortgage rates, and interest rates, and inflation are low. Consumers are confident, businesses are investing, and families are taking home more of what they earn.

We're seeing record exports for farm products. Farm income is up. Our farm economy is strong and that's good for our entire nation.

We know there are still challenges, especially in our manufacturing communities. The President and I will not be satisfied until every American who wants to work can find a job. But this is a strong, growing economy. It's growing stronger. The Bush tax cuts are working. (Applause.)

Tom shares our hopeful, optimistic vision for the future, and we look forward to working with him in the Senate to accomplish great goals. In our second term, we will keep moving forward with a pro-growth, pro-jobs agenda.

With Tom's support, we will work to make the Bush tax cuts permanent. Congress took an important step yesterday by extending tax relief for working families, and the President will be proud to sign that bill into law.

With Tom's support, we will work to end lawsuit abuse. (Applause.) We know it's a lot easier for America's businesses to hire new workers if they don't have to keep hiring lawyers.

With Tom's support, we will work for medical liability reform because we know the cost of malpractice insurance is creating a crisis, not only in Oklahoma, but all across the nation. (Applause.) America's doctors should be able to spend their time healing patients, not fighting off frivolous lawsuits. (Applause.)

Our opponents have a very different vision for our country. They opposed tax relief, now they're proposing massive increases in federal spending. They helped block our energy plan in the Senate. They oppose effective reform of the legal system, and they're against medical liability reform. Their big idea for the economy: raise our taxes.

President Bush and I will also continue to defend our society's fundamental rights and values. We stand for a culture of life, and we reject the brutal practice of partial birth abortion. (Applause.) We stand strongly for the Second Amendment, and we'll defend the individual right of every American to bear arms. (Applause.) We believe that our nation is "one nation under God," and that we should be able to say so when we pledge allegiance to their flag. (Applause.)

There shouldn't be any question about this -? and there wouldn't be if we had more reasonable judges on the federal bench. The Democrats in the Senate have been doing everything they can -? including using the filibuster -? to keep the President's sensible, mainstream nominations off the bench. They are hoping to wait the President out. But I've got news for them. That's not going to happen because we're going to win this election. (Applause.) A good way for Oklahoma to deal with the problem of the Democratic filibuster is to send Tom Coburn to the United States Senate. (Applause.)

On issue after issue, President Bush has a clear vision for the future of our nation. America has come to know him, and I have come to admire him very much. I watch him at work every day. He's a person of loyalty and kindness, a man who says what he means and means what he says. I have seen him face some of the hardest decisions that can come to the occupant of the Oval Office -? and make those decisions with the wisdom and the humility Americans expect of their President.

Under President Bush's leadership, we will use America's great power to serve great purposes, to protect our homeland by turning back and defeating the forces of terror, and spreading hope and freedom around the world. (Applause.) Here at home, we will continue building a prosperity that reaches every corner of the land so that every child in America has a chance to learn, to succeed, and to rise in the world.

The President and I are honored by your confidence in us, and by your commitment to the cause we all share. President Bush and I will wage this effort with complete confidence in the judgment of the American people. The signs are good -? here in Oklahoma, and even in Massachusetts. (Laughter and applause.) According to a news account, people leaving the Democratic National Convention in July asked a Boston policeman for directions. He replied, "Leave here ?- and go vote Republican." (Laughter and applause.)

President Bush and I are honored to have the support of that police officer, and of Democrats, Republicans, and independents from every calling in American life. We're grateful to you for supporting Tom Coburn. We're proud to have you on the team. And together, on November 2nd, we'll see our cause forward to victory.

Thank you very much. (Applause.)

END 7:55 P.M. CDT




For Immediate Release

Office of the Press Secretary

September 25, 2004

President's Radio Address

THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. This week, I was honored to welcome the Prime Minister of a free and sovereign Iraq to the White House. In less than three months, Prime Minister Allawi and his government have accomplished a great deal, despite persistent violence in parts of Iraq. The enemies of freedom are using suicide bombings, beheadings, and other horrific acts to try to block progress. We are sickened by their atrocities, but we will never be intimidated, and freedom is winning.

We're making steady progress in implementing our five-step plan toward the goal we all want: completing the mission so that Iraq is stable and self-governing, and American troops can come home with the honor they have earned.

The first step was achieved on June 28th, not only on time, but ahead of schedule, when the coalition transferred full sovereignty to a government of Iraqi citizens.
The second step is to help Iraq's new government establish stability and security. Nearly 100,000 fully trained and equipped Iraqi soldiers, police officers, and other security personnel are working today, and the Iraqi government is on track to build a force of over 200,000 security personnel by the end of 2005.

In Najaf and other important areas, Iraqi military forces have performed with skill and success. The government's strategy is to surround and isolate enemy militias, reach out to the local population, and negotiate from a position of strength. Serious problems remain in several cities. Yet, Prime Minister Allawi believes this combination of decisive action and outreach to peaceful citizens is the most effective way to defeat the killers and secure the peace. And America stands with him.

The third step in our plan is to continue improving Iraq's infrastructure. Today, in most of Iraq, children are about to go back to school, parents are going back to work, and new businesses are being opened. Electricity has been restored above pre-war levels. Telephone service has increased dramatically. In the next several months, more than $9 billion will be spent on contracts that will help Iraqis rebuild schools, refurbish hospitals and health clinics, repair bridges, upgrade the electrical grid, and modernize the communication system. Prime Minister Allawi and I agree that the pace of reconstruction can and should be accelerated, and we're working toward that goal.

The fourth step in our plan is to enlist additional international support for Iraq's transition to democracy. The multinational force of some 30 nations continues to help secure a free Iraq, and we are grateful for the service and sacrifice of all. Our coalition is also grateful that the United Nations has reestablished it's mission in Baghdad. We are grateful to the G-8 countries and the European Union for pledging support to the new Iraqi government. We are grateful to the NATO Alliance for help in training Iraqi forces. And we are grateful to many of Iraq's creditors, which have agreed to a further reduction of Iraq's debt.

The fifth and most important step in our plan is to help Iraq conduct free national elections no later than January. An Iraqi electoral commission has already hired personnel, and is making key decisions about election procedures. Just this week, the commission began a public education campaign to inform Iraqis about the process and encourage them to become voters. United Nations electoral advisors are on the ground in Iraq, and Prime Minister Allawi and I have urged the U.N. to send more personnel to help ensure the success of the Iraqi elections.

The war for Iraq's freedom is a fight against some of the most ruthless and brutal men on Earth. In such a struggle, there will be good days and there will be difficult days. But every day, our resolve must remain the same: Iraq, America, and our coalition will stand firm, and Iraq will be free, the world will be more peaceful, and America will be more secure.

Thank you for listening.




The Simpsons Season 12 Episode 18

Trilogy of Error

Aired Sunday 8:00 PM Apr 29, 2001 on FOX

AIRED: 4/29/01


Springfield! Springfield!

The Simpsons

Trilogy of Error

[ Marge Simpson: ] Oh, doodlebugs.

[ McBain: ] My Ferrari! I had to do awful things to pay for her.


George Bush Presidential Library and Museum [ RACKETEER INFLUENCED AND CORRUPT ORGANIZATIONS US Title 18 ]

Public Papers

Address to the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil


President Collor, Mr. Secretary-General, heads of delegation, may I first express my admiration to Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali and my gratitude to Secretary General Maurice Strong for his tireless work in bringing this Earth summit together. This is truly an historic gathering.

The Chinese have a proverb: If a man cheats the Earth, the Earth will cheat man. The idea of sustaining the planet so that it may sustain us is as old as life itself. We must leave this Earth in better condition than we found it.

Today this old truth must be applied to new threats facing the resources which sustain us all, the atmosphere and the ocean, the stratosphere and the biosphere. Our village is truly global. Some find the challenges ahead overwhelming. I believe that their pessimism is unfounded.

Twenty years ago, at the Stockholm conference, a chief concern of our predecessors was the horrible threat of nuclear war, the ultimate pollutant. No more. Upon my return from Rio, I will meet with Russian President Yeltsin in Washington, and the subject we will discuss is cooperation, not confrontation. Twenty years ago, some spoke of the limits to growth. Today we realize that growth is the engine of change and the friend of the environment.

Today, an unprecedented era of peace, freedom, and stability makes concerted action on the environment possible as never before. This summit is but one key step in the process of international cooperation on environment and development. The United States will work to carry forward the promise of Rio because as important as the road to Rio has been, what matters more is the road from Rio.

There are those who say that cooperation between developed and developing countries is impossible. Well, let them come to Latin America, where debt-for-nature swaps are protecting forests in Costa Rica and funding pollution control in Chile.

There are those who say that it takes state control to protect the environment. Well, let them go to Eastern Europe, where the poisoned bodies of children now pay for the sins of fallen dictators, and only the new breeze of freedom is allowing for cleanup.

There are those who say that change can never come because the interests of the status quo are too powerful. Well, let them come right here to Brazil, where President Collor is forging a new approach that recognizes the economic value of sustaining the rain forest.

There are those who say that economic growth and environmental protection cannot be compatible. Well, let them come to the United States, where, in the 20 years since Stockholm, our economy has grown by 57 percent, and yet we have cut the lead going into the air by 97 percent, the carbon monoxide by 41 percent, the particulates by 59 percent. We've cleaned up our water and preserved our parks, wilderness, and wildlife.

There are those who say that the leaders of the world do not care about the Earth and the environment. Well, let them all come here to Rio.

Mr. President, we have come to Rio. We've not only seen the concern, we share it. We not only care, we're taking action. We come to Rio with an action plan on climate change. It stresses energy efficiency, cleaner air, reforestation, new technology. I am happy to report that I have just signed the Framework Convention on Climate Change.

Today, I invite my colleagues from the industrialized world to join in a prompt start on the convention's implementation. I propose that our countries meet by January 1st to lay out our national plans for meeting the specific commitments in the Framework Convention. Let us join in translating the words spoken here into concrete action to protect the planet.

We come to Rio with a proposal to double global forest assistance. We stand ready to work together, respecting national sovereignty, on new strategies for forests for the future. As a downpayment, we will double U.S. forest bilateral assistance next year. And we will reform at home, phasing out clear-cutting as a standard practice on U.S. national forests and working to plant one billion trees a year.

We come to Rio with an extensive program of technology cooperation. We stand ready, Government and private sector, to help spread green technology and launch a new generation of clean growth.

We come to Rio recognizing that the developing countries must play a role in protecting the global environment but will need assistance in pursuing these cleaner growths. So we stand ready to increase U.S. international environmental aid by 66 percent above the 1990 levels, on top of the more than .5 billion that we provide through the world's development banks for Agenda 21 projects.

We come to Rio with more scientific knowledge about the environment than ever before and with the wisdom that there is much, much we do that's not yet known. And we stand ready to share our science and to lead the world in a program of continued research.

We come to Rio prepared to continue America's unparalleled efforts to preserve species and habitat. And let me be clear. Our efforts to protect biodiversity itself will exceed, will exceed, the requirements of the treaty. But that proposed agreement threatens to retard biotechnology and undermine the protection of ideas. Unlike the climate agreement, its financing scheme will not work. And it is never easy, it is never easy to stand alone on principle, but sometimes leadership requires that you do. And now is such a time.

Let's face it, there has been some criticism of the United States. But I must tell you, we come to Rio proud of what we have accomplished and committed to extending the record on American leadership on the environment. In the United States, we have the world's tightest air quality standards on cars and factories, the most advanced laws for protecting lands and waters, and the most open processes for public participation.

Now for a simple truth: America's record on environmental protection is second to none. So I did not come here to apologize. We come to press on with deliberate purpose and forceful action. Such action will demonstrate our continuing commitment to leadership and to international cooperation on the environment.

We believe that the road to Rio must point toward both environmental protection and economic growth, environment and development. By now it's clear: To sustain development, we must protect the environment. And to protect the environment, we must sustain development.

It's been said that we don't inherit the Earth from our ancestors, we borrow it from our children. When our children look back on this time and this place, they will be grateful that we met at Rio, and they will certainly be pleased with the intentions stated and the commitments made. But they will judge us by the actions we take from this day forward. Let us not disappoint them.

Mr. President, once again, my congratulations to you, sir. Mr. Secretary-General, our sincere thanks. And thank you all very, very much.

Note: The President spoke at 3:19 p.m. in the Assembly Hall at the Riocentro Conference Center.


Two Bad Neighbors [ The Simpsons ]

Original airdate in N.A.: 14-Jan-96

George: Now, are there any questions? [everyone puts their hand up] -- keeping in mind that I already explained about my hair.

Everyone: Oh yeah, that's right. etc. [putting hands down]


Two Bad Neighbors [ The Simpsons ]

Original airdate in N.A.: 14-Jan-96

[he can't prevent it from happening]

Bart: Whoa, man.

George: Whoa, nothing. I'm going to do something your daddy should have done a long time ago.



Joe Paterno's role in covering up Jerry Sandusky's child molestations grows as evidence is leaked

By Dan Wetzel

June 30, 2012 2:14 PM

Yahoo Sports

The Penn State administration had finally hatched a plan. It was too kind, backward and included possibly tampering with a criminal investigation. Still, it was enough of a plan that it could've stopped Jerry Sandusky, child molester, back in 2001.

Just a couple weeks earlier, a football graduate assistant, Mike McQueary, had witnessed Sandusky abusing a boy in a Penn State locker room shower. He told coach Joe Paterno. He told vice president Gary Schultz and athletic director Tim Curley. He could've been more specific. He was clearly specific enough, however, to get their attention.

Schultz plotted out a course of action, according to a bombshell report by CNN, citing an email exchange that's been uncovered in the school's independent investigation by former FBI chief Louis Freeh. The report could be released as early as next month.

According to CNN in an email dated Feb. 26, 2001, Schultz wrote to Curley about a three-part plan that included talking "with the subject asap regarding the future appropriate use of the University facility," … "contacting the chair of the charitable organization" and "contacting the Department of Welfare."

It would have been better to skip directly to the third action and let the welfare authorities do the meeting and informing, but this should've been enough to end Sandusky's reign of terror.

Except that Curley sent an email to Schultz and school president Graham Spanier on Feb. 27, 2001, that changed everything.

"After giving it more thought and talking it over with Joe yesterday, I am uncomfortable with what we agreed were the next steps. I am having trouble with going to everyone but the person involved. I would be more comfortable meeting with the person and tell them about the information we received and tell them we are aware of the first situation," Curley's email said, according to CNN.

It's unclear why Curley suggested that Sandusky (the "person involved") wouldn't be contacted when Schultz's email told Curley to "talk with the subject asap." But the bottom line is that child welfare services was never contacted. And Sandusky, convicted earlier this month on 45 counts of molestation, continued to stalk and abuse the area's disadvantaged boys for seven more years.


Nation & World: Wednesday, November 08, 2006

By The Associated Press

Bush seemed stoic about the election, proclaiming: "This isn't my first rodeo."

1991 film "The Last Boy Scout" DVD video:


Senator Baynard: What the fuck are you doing here?


Under Siege


What happened to your face?


The American Presidency Project

Lyndon B. Johnson

XXXVI President of the United States: 1963-1969

Executive Order 11240 - The Board of the Foreign Service and the Board of Examiners for the Foreign Service

August 4, 1965

By virtue of the authority vested in me by Reorganization Plan No. 4 of 1965 (30 P.R. 9353), and as President of the United States, it is ordered as follows:

SECTION 1. Board of the Foreign Service. There is hereby established a new "Board of the Foreign Service." That board shall have the same membership, functions, and status as the board of the same name established by Section 211 of the Foreign Service Act of 1946 (22 U.S.C. 826) had immediately prior to the taking effect of Reorganization Plan No. 4 of 1965.

SEC. 2. Board of Examiners for the Foreign Service. There is hereby established a new "Board of Examiners for the Foreign Service." That board shall have the same functions and status as the board of the same name established by Section 212 of the Foreign Service Act of 1946 (22 U.S.C. 827) had immediately prior to the taking effect of Reorganization Plan No. 4 of 1965 and shall have membership determined in consonance with the provisions of subsection (b) of that Section.

SEC. 3. Effective date; termination. This Order shall be effective as of July 27, 1965, and, together with the boards established by Sections 1 and 2, shall terminate on January 1, 1966, or on such earlier date as may hereafter be prescribed.


The White House,

August 4, 1965.


March 1965

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The following events occurred in March 1965:

March 15, 1965 (Monday)

President of the United States Lyndon B. Johnson makes his "We Shall Overcome" speech.


The American Presidency Project

Lyndon B. Johnson

XXXVI President of the United States: 1963-1969

107 - Special Message to the Congress: The American Promise

March 15, 1965

Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, Members of the Congress:

I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy.

I urge every member of both parties, Americans of all religions and of all colors, from every section of this country, to join me in that cause.

At times history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man's unending search for freedom. So it was at Lexington and Concord. So it was a century ago at Appomattox. So it was last week in Selma, Alabama.

There, long-suffering men and women peacefully protested the denial of their rights as Americans. Many were brutally assaulted. One good man, a man of God, was killed.

There is no cause for pride in what has happened in Selma. There is no cause for self-satisfaction in the long denial of equal rights of millions of Americans. But there is cause for hope and for faith in our democracy in what is happening here tonight.

For the cries of pain and the hymns and protests of oppressed people have summoned into convocation all the majesty of this great Government--the Government of the greatest Nation on earth.

Our mission is at once the oldest and the most basic of this country: to right wrong, to do justice, to serve man.

In our time we have come to live with moments of great crisis. Our lives have been marked with debate about great issues; issues of war and peace, issues of prosperity and depression. But rarely in any time does an issue lay bare the secret heart of America itself. Rarely are we met with a challenge, not to our growth or abundance, our welfare or our security, but rather to the values and the purposes and the meaning of our beloved Nation.

The issue of equal rights for American Negroes is such an issue. And should we defeat every enemy, should we double our wealth and conquer the stars, and still be unequal to this issue, then we will have failed as a people and as a nation.

For with a country as with a person, "What is a man profited, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"

There is no Negro problem. There is no Southern problem. There is no Northern problem. There is only an American problem. And we are met here tonight as Americans--not as Democrats or Republicans-we are met here as Americans to solve that problem.

This was the first nation in the history of the world to be founded with a purpose. The great phrases of that purpose still sound in every American heart, North and South: "All men are created equal"--"government by consent of the governed"--"give me liberty or give me death." Well, those are not just clever words, or those are not just empty theories. In their name Americans have fought and died for two centuries, and tonight around the world they stand there as guardians of our liberty, risking their lives.

Those words are a promise to every citizen that he shall share in the dignity of man. This dignity cannot be found in a man's possessions; it cannot be found in his power, or in his position. It really rests on his right to be treated as a man equal in opportunity to all others. It says that he shall share in freedom, he shall choose his leaders, educate his children, and provide for his family according to his ability and his merits as a human being.

To apply any other test--to deny a man his hopes because of his color or race, his religion or the place of his birth--is not only to do injustice, it is to deny America and to dishonor the dead who gave their lives for American freedom.


Our fathers believed that if this noble view of the rights of man was to flourish, it must be rooted in democracy. The most basic right of all was the right to choose your own leaders. The history of this country, in large measure, is the history of the expansion of that right to all of our people.

Many of the issues of civil rights are very complex and most difficult. But about this there can and should be no argument. Every American citizen must have an equal right to vote. There is no reason which can excuse the denial of that right. There is no duty which weighs more heavily on us than the duty we have to ensure that right.

Yet the harsh fact is that in many places in this country men and women are kept from voting simply because they are Negroes.

Every device of which human ingenuity is capable has been used to deny this right. The Negro citizen may go to register only to be told that the day is wrong, or the hour is late, or the official in charge is absent. And if he persists, and if he manages to present himself to the registrar, he may be disqualified because he did not spell out his middle name or because he abbreviated a word on the application.

And if he manages to fill out an application he is given a test. The registrar is the sole judge of whether he passes this test. He may be asked to recite the entire Constitution, or explain the most complex provisions of State law. And even a college degree cannot be used to prove that he can read and write.

For the fact is that the only way to pass these barriers is to show a white skin.

Experience has clearly shown that the existing process of law cannot overcome systematic and ingenious discrimination. No law that we now have on the books-and I have helped to put three of them there--can ensure the right to vote when local officials are determined to deny it.

In such a case our duty must be clear to all of us. The Constitution says that no person shall be kept from voting because of his race or his color. We have all sworn an oath before God to support and to defend that Constitution. We must now act in obedience to that oath.


Wednesday I will send to Congress a law designed to eliminate illegal barriers to the right to vote.

The broad principles of that bill will be in the hands of the Democratic and Republican leaders tomorrow. After they have reviewed it, it will come here formally as a bill. I am grateful for this opportunity to come here tonight at the invitation of the leadership to reason with my friends, to give them my views, and to visit with my former colleagues.

I have had prepared a more comprehensive analysis of the legislation which I had intended to transmit to the clerk tomorrow but which I will submit to the clerks tonight. But I want to really discuss with you now briefly the main proposals of this legislation,

This bill will strike down restrictions to voting in all elections--Federal, State, and local--which have been used to deny Negroes the right to vote.

This bill will establish a simple, uniform standard which cannot be used, however ingenious the effort, to flout our Constitution.

It will provide for citizens to be registered by officials of the United States Government if the State officials refuse to register them.

It will eliminate tedious, unnecessary lawsuits which delay the right to vote.

Finally, this legislation will ensure that properly registered individuals are not prohibited from voting.

I will welcome the suggestions from all of the Members of Congress--I have no doubt that I will get some--on ways and means to strengthen this law and to make it effective. But experience has plainly shown that this is the only path to carry out the command of the Constitution.

To those who seek to avoid action by their National Government in their own communities; who want to and who seek to maintain purely local control over elections, the answer is simple:

Open your polling places to all your people.

Allow men and women to register and vote whatever the color of their skin.

Extend the rights of citizenship to every citizen of this land.


There is no constitutional issue here. The command of the Constitution is plain.

There is no moral issue. It is wrong-deadly wrong--to deny any of your fellow Americans the right to vote in this country.

There is no issue of States fights or national rights. There is only the struggle for human rights.

I have not the slightest doubt what will be your answer.

The last time a President sent a civil rights bill to the Congress it contained a provision to protect voting rights in Federal elections. That civil rights bill was passed after 8 long months of debate. And when that bill came to my desk from the Congress for my signature, the heart of the voting provision had been eliminated.

This time, on this issue, there must be no delay, no hesitation and no compromise with our purpose.

We cannot, we must not, refuse to protect the right of every American to vote in every election that he may desire to participate in. And we ought not and we cannot and we must not wait another 8 months before we get a bill. We have already waited a hundred years and more, and the time for waiting is gone.

So I ask you to join me in working long hours--nights and weekends, if necessary-to pass this bill. And I don't make that request lightly. For from the window where I sit with the problems of our country I recognize that outside this chamber is the outraged conscience of a nation, the grave concern of many nations, and the harsh judgment of history on our acts.


But even if we pass this bill, the battle will not be over. What happened in Selma is part of a far larger movement which reaches into every section and State of America. It is the effort of American Negroes to secure for themselves the full blessings of American life.

Their cause must be our cause too. Because it is not just Negroes, but really it is all of us, who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome.

As a man whose roots go deeply into Southern soil I know how agonizing racial feelings are. I know how difficult it is to reshape the attitudes and the structure of our society.

But a century has passed, more than a hundred years, since the Negro was freed. And he is not fully free tonight.

It was more than a hundred years ago that Abraham Lincoln, a great President of another party, signed the Emancipation Proclamation, but emancipation is a proclamation and not a fact.

A century has passed, more than a hundred years, since equality was promised. And yet the Negro is not equal.

A century has passed since the day of promise. And the promise is unkept.

The time of justice has now come. I tell you that I believe sincerely that no force can hold it back. It is right in the eyes of man and God that it should come. And when it does, I think that day will brighten the lives of every American.

For Negroes are not the only victims. How many white children have gone uneducated, how many white families have lived in stark poverty, how many white lives have been scarred by fear, because we have wasted our energy and our substance to maintain the barriers of hatred and terror?

So I say to all of you here, and to all in the Nation tonight, that those who appeal to you to hold on to the past do so at the cost of denying you your future.

This great, rich, restless country can offer opportunity and education and hope to all: black and white, North and South, sharecropper and city dweller. These are the enemies: poverty, ignorance, disease. They are the enemies and not our fellow man, not our neighbor. And these enemies too, poverty, disease and ignorance, we shall over, come.


Now let none of us in any sections look with prideful righteousness on the troubles in another section, or on the problems of our neighbors. There is really no part of America where the promise of equality has been fully kept. In Buffalo as well as in Birmingham, in Philadelphia as well as in Selma, Americans are struggling for the fruits of freedom.

This is one Nation. What happens in Selma or in Cincinnati is a matter of legitimate concern to every American. But let each of us look within our own hearts and our own communities, and let each of us put our shoulder to the wheel to root out injustice wherever it exists.

As we meet here in this peaceful, historic chamber tonight, men from the South, some of whom were at Iwo Jima, men from the North who have carried Old Glory to far corners of the world and brought it back without a stain on it, men from the East and from the West, are all fighting together without regard to religion, or color, or region, in Viet-Nam. Men from every region fought for us across the world 20 years ago.

And in these common dangers and these common sacrifices the South made its contribution of honor and gallantry no less than any other region of the great Republic-and in some instances, a great many of them, more.

And I have not the slightest doubt that good men from everywhere in this country, from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, from the Golden Gate to the harbors along the Atlantic, will rally together now in this cause to vindicate the freedom of all Americans. For all of us owe this duty; and I believe that all of us will respond to it.

Your President makes that request of every American.


The real hero of this struggle is the American Negro. His actions and protests, his courage to risk safety and even to risk his life, have awakened the conscience of this Nation. His demonstrations have been designed to call attention to injustice, designed to provoke change, designed to stir reform.

He has called upon us to make good the promise of America. And who among us can say that we would have made the same progress were it not for his persistent bravery, and his faith in American democracy.

For at the real heart of battle for equality is a deep-seated belief in the democratic process. Equality depends not on the force of arms or tear gas but upon the force of moral right; not on recourse to violence but on respect for law and order.

There have been many pressures upon your President and there will be others as the days come and go. But I pledge you tonight that we intend to fight this battle where it should be fought: in the courts, and in the Congress, and in the hearts of men.

We must preserve the right of free speech and the right of free assembly. But the right of free speech does not carry with it, as has been said, the right to holier fire in a crowded theater. We must preserve the right to free assembly, but free assembly does not carry with it the right to block public thoroughfares to traffic.

We do have a right to protest, and a right to march under conditions that do not infringe the constitutional rights of our neighbors. And I intend to protect all those rights as long as I am permitted to serve in this office.

We will guard against violence, knowing it strikes from our hands the very weapons which we seek--progress, obedience to law, and belief in American values.

In Selma as elsewhere we seek and pray for peace. We seek order. We seek unity. But we will not accept the peace of stifled rights, or the order imposed by fear, or the unity that stifles protest. For peace cannot be purchased at the cost of liberty.

In Selma tonight, as in every--and we had a good day there--as in every city, we are working for just and peaceful settlement. We must all remember that after this speech I am making tonight, after the police and the FBI and the Marshals have all gone, and after you have promptly passed this bill, the people of Selma and the other cities of the Nation must still live and work together. And when the attention of the Nation has gone elsewhere they must try to heal the wounds and to build a new community.

This cannot be easily done on a battleground of violence, as the history of the South itself shows. It is in recognition of this that men of both races have shown such an outstandingly impressive responsibility in recent days--last Tuesday, again today,


The bill that I am presenting to you will be known as a civil rights bill. But, in a larger sense, most of the program I am recommending is a civil rights program. Its object is to open the city of hope to all people of all races.

Because all Americans just must have the right to vote. And we are going to give them that right.

All Americans must have the privileges of citizenship regardless of race. And they are going to have those privileges of citizenship regardless of race.

But I would like to caution you and remind you that to exercise these privileges takes much more than just legal right. It requires a trained mind and a healthy body. It requires a decent home, and the chance to find a job, and the opportunity to escape from the clutches of poverty.

Of course, people cannot contribute to the Nation if they are never taught to read or write, if their bodies are stunted from hunger, if their sickness goes untended, if their life is spent in hopeless poverty just drawing a welfare check.

So we want to open the gates to opportunity. But we are also going to give all our people, black and white, the help that they need to walk through those gates.


My first job after college was as a teacher in Cotulla, Tex., in a small Mexican-American school. Few of them could speak English, and I couldn't speak much Spanish. My students were poor and they often came to class without breakfast, hungry. They knew even in their youth the pain of prejudice. They never seemed to know why people disliked them. But they knew it was so, because I saw it in their eyes. I often walked home late in the afternoon, after the classes were finished, wishing there was more that I could do. But all I knew was to teach them the little that I knew, hoping that it might help them against the hardships that lay ahead.

Somehow you never forget what poverty and hatred can do when you see its scars on the hopeful face of a young child.

I never thought then, in 1928, that I would be standing here in 1965. It never even occurred to me in my fondest dreams that I might have the chance to help the sons and daughters of those students and to help people like them all over this country.

But now I do have that chance--and I'll let you in on a secret--I mean to use it. And I hope that you will use it with me.

This is the richest and most powerful country which ever occupied the globe. The might of past empires is little compared to ours. But I do not want to be the President who built empires, or sought grandeur, or extended dominion.

I want to be the President who educated young children to the wonders of their world. I want to be the President who helped to feed the hungry and to prepare them to be taxpayers instead of taxeaters.

I want to be the President who helped the poor to find their own way and who protected the right of every citizen to vote in every election.

I want to be the President who helped to end hatred among his fellow men and who promoted love among the people of all races and all regions and all parties.

I want to be the President who helped to end war among the brothers of this earth.

And so at the request of your beloved Speaker and the Senator from Montana; the majority leader, the Senator from Illinois; the minority leader, Mr. McCulloch, and other Members of both parties, I came here tonight--not as President Roosevelt came down one time in person to veto a bonus bill, not as President Truman came down one time to urge the passage of a railroad bill--but I came down here to ask you to share this task with me and to share it with the people that we both work for. I want this to be the Congress, Republicans and Democrats alike, which did all these things for all these people.

Beyond this great chamber, out yonder in 50 States, are the people that we serve. Who can tell what deep and unspoken hopes are in their hearts tonight as they sit there and listen. We all can guess, from our own lives, how difficult they often find their own pursuit of happiness, how many problems each little family has. They look most of all to themselves for their futures. But I think that they also look to each of us.

Above the pyramid on the great seal of the United States it says--in Latin--"God has favored our undertaking."

God will not favor everything that we do. It is rather our duty to divine His will. But I cannot help believing that He truly understands and that He really favors the undertaking that we begin here tonight.

Note: The address was broadcast nationally.



The Silver Star (1955)

Release Info

USA 8 April 1955


The American Presidency Project

William J. Clinton

XLII President of the United States: 1993-2001

Letter to Congressional Leaders Reporting on NATO Action in Bosnia

March 1, 1994

Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:)

In my report to the Congress of February 17, 1994, I provided further information on the deployment of U.S. combat-equipped aircraft to support NATO's enforcement of the no-fly zone in Bosnia-Herzegovina, as authorized by theU.N. Security Council. The United States has conducted air operations along with other participating nations for these purposes since April 12, 1993. I am providing this supplementary report, consistent with the War Powers Resolution, on the NATO military action conducted by U.S. aircraft in the airspace over Bosnia-Herzegovina on February 28, 1994.

During enforcement operations in the early morning hours of February 28, U.S. F-16 aircraft on air patrol for NATO shot down four Galeb fixed-wing aircraft that were violating the no-fly zone near Banja Luka, Bosnia-Herzegovina. After NATO airborne early-warning aircraft detected the unauthorized aircraft, two U.S. F-16s proceeded to the area and reported visual contact with a total of six Galeb aircraft. In accordance with approved procedures, the NATO airborne early-warning aircraft issued warnings to the violators that they would be engaged if they did not land or leave the no-fly zone airspace immediately. After several minutes passed with no response from the Galebs, the U.S. fighter aircraft again warned them in accordance with approved procedures and, once again, noted no response from the violators to heed the warnings. Soon thereafter, the U.S. F-16s received permission from the NATO Combined Air Operations Center to engage the violators. Just prior to the engagement, the flight leader of the U.S. fighter aircraft saw the Galebs make a bombing maneuver, and then he saw explosions on the ground. We have since received reports confirming that facilities in this area were hit by bombs during this time frame.

Having received permission to engage the violators, the lead U.S. F-16 fired air-to-air missiles and destroyed three Galeb aircraft. One of two other U.S. F-16 aircraft, which had been sent to the area to provide support, fired a missile and downed the fourth Galeb. The two remaining violators left the area.

This action, part of the NATO effort to enforce the no-fly zone, was conducted under the authority of U.N. Security Council resolutions and in full compliance with NATO procedures. Responding to the bombing of villages and other violations of the ban on unauthorized flights established by the Security Council in late 1992, the Security Council acted in Resolution 816 (March 31, 1993) to authorize Member States, acting nationally or through regional organizations, to take all necessary measures to ensure compliance with the no-fly zone. NATO undertook to monitor the no-fly zone to ensure that the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina does not spread to the air.

Since the commencement of no-fly zone operations last April, nearly 12,000 fighter, tanker, and NATO airborne early-warning sorties have been flown. Military personnel from 12 NATO member nations have participated in this effort, which has been highly successful in preventing significant air threats by the parties to the conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Although we have no reason to believe that there will be further violations requiring the use of force, U.S. aircraft will continue to serve as part of this important NATO enforcement effort. As always, our forces remain prepared to defend themselves if necessary. U.S. Armed Forces participate in these operations pursuant to my constitutional authority to conduct U.S. foreign relations and as Commander in Chief.

I remain committed to ensuring that the Congress is fully informed about significant activities of U.S. Armed Forces in the region. I appreciate the continued support of the Congress for U.S. contributions to the important multilateral effort in the former Yugoslavia.



NOTE: Identical letters were sent to Thomas S. Foley, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Robert C. Byrd, President pro tempore of the Senate.


The American Presidency Project

William J. Clinton

XLII President of the United States: 1993-2001

Statement on the Bosnia-Herzegovina Framework Agreement

March 1, 1994

I warmly welcome the signing today in Washington of a framework agreement establishing a federation in the areas of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina with majority Bosnian and Croat populations. This framework agreement also provides the outline of a preliminary agreement for a confederation with the Republic of Croatia. This is a major step in the search for peace in Bosnia. I am especially pleased with the tireless efforts of my Special Envoy, Charles Redman, and those of Croatian Foreign Minister Granic, Bosnian Prime Minister Silajdzic, and Mr. Kresimir Zubak, representing the Bosnian Croats.

I spoke this evening with President Alija Izetbegovic of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. I congratulated him for his leadership and the critical role he has played in this achievement. All of us are heartened by the courage that he and the Bosnian people have shown in their struggle for peace.

I also spoke with President Franjo Tudjman of Croatia to convey my admiration for the statesmanship he has shown in forging this agreement. I underscored the support of the United States for the sovereignty and integrity of his country.

A great deal of work remains to be done to bring a full peace to Bosnia. The United States will continue to work closely with the parties throughout this process. I urge the parties to continue to demonstrate the flexibility and statesmanship that has brought them to this point. I urge them to persevere over the coming weeks to help ensure that today's accomplishments lead to the peace so long overdue.



Posted 2/10/2004 1:02 PM Updated 2/11/2004 12:15 AM

Timeline of the president's National Guard service

By the Associated Press

Major events in President Bush's service in the Texas National Guard, according to National Guard Bureau records:

Jan. 19, 1968: Bush completes Air Force officer qualifications test in New Haven, Conn., while attending Yale University.

May 27, 1968: Walter B. Staudt, commander of the Texas National Guard, interviews Bush and recommends he be accepted for pilot training. Bush's application for enlistment in the Guard is approved.

June 1968: Bush receives bachelor of arts degree from Yale.

July 12, 1968: A three-member Federal Recognition Examining Board reports Bush is qualified for promotion to 2nd Lieutenant in the 111th Fighter Interceptor Squadron.

July 14, 1968: Bush attends basic military training in San Antonio.

Aug. 25, 1968: Completes basic military training.

Nov. 26, 1968 — Dec. 2, 1969: Attends undergraduate pilot training with the 3559th Student Squadron, Moody Air Force Base, Ga. He is trained to fly standard Air Force aircraft, including the T-31, T-37, and T-39.

Dec. 29, 1969 — Jan. 20, 1970: Trainee, 111th Squadron, Ellington Air Force Base, near Houston.

Jan. 11, 1970: Assigned flying duty as a pilot of F-102 fighter interceptors, 111th Squadron at Ellington.

Aug. 24, 1970: Three-member board recommends 2nd Lt. Bush for promotion to first lieutenant. Bush later receives the promotion.

1971: Participates in drills and alerts at Ellington. Begins work for Houston-based agricultural company.

May 1972: Bush asks for and receives permission to continue his duties in Alabama while he works as political director on the Senate campaign of Winton M. Blount, a friend of his father. Loses flight credentials after missing physical exam.

Sept. 6, 1972: Bush's request for a three-month transfer to 187th TAC Recon Group, Montgomery, Ala. is approved so he can work as political director for a Senate campaign.

November 1972: Bush returns to his unit at Ellington in Texas.

May-July 1973: Participates in non-flying drills at Ellington. Works at inner-city poverty program earlier in the year.

Sept. 18, 1973: Bush receives permission to transfer to reserve status and is placed on inactive guard duty about six months before six-year commitment ends. Attends Harvard Business School in the fall.

Oct. 1, 1973: Receives honorable discharge.


Columbia Journalism Review.

By Thomas Lang

FEBRUARY 11, 2004

72 Minus 64 Equals … 6?

Okay, we’ll grant the point: It isn’t always easy being a reporter these days. President Bush’s National Guard record is confusing, and the White House did not make things any easier yesterday when it released fuzzy microfiche images of President Bush’s 30-year-old pay stubs that looked like a wet bar napkin left to dry in the sun.

Still and all, doing a little basic arithmetic shouldn’t be tying the supposed cream of the nation’s press corps in knots. Unfortunately, it is. Thus, the consistent misreporting on the question of exactly how many months early President Bush received his discharge so he could attend Harvard Business School in Cambridge, Mass.

This morning’s New York Times, Chicago Tribune, and Washington Post all ran stories stating that President Bush received permission to leave the National Guard six months early.

On the other hand, today’s Los Angeles Times reports that Bush was discharged eight months early. Moreover, when The Boston Globe originally broke the story in 2000 they reported eight months, and they have held to that number in more recent articles.

So … who’s got it right and who’s got it wrong? In brief, the key dates are:

May 27, 1968: Bush’s application to enlist in the Air National Guard is approved. His commitment is for six years.

July 14, 1968: Bush begins basic training in Texas.

September 18, 1973: Bush is placed on inactive duty after he receives permission to transfer to reserve status.

October 1, 1973: Bush is honorably discharged.



WED APR 25, 2012 AT 01:33 PM PDT

Dan Rather got it right George W. Bush DID go AWOL

byLefty Coaster

I always suspected something like this was the case. The new issue of Texas Monthly delves into the long neglected story of George W. Bush less than stellar military career in the Texas Air National Guard. The Texas Monthly lays out the surprisingly complicated mechanizations that led to the Junior Bush landing this plumb spot in the T.A.N.G.

That George W. got special treatment at a time when draftees were likely to end up slogging through the jungles of Viet Nam shouldn't come as too much of a surprise to anyone who knows how America routinely gives special treatment to the offspring of the 1%. What did come as a surprise was why George W. stopped flying and that he apparently did so with the tacit approval of his commanding officers in TANG, who who viewed Bush's move to Alabama to work on Winton "Red" Blount's campaign for the U.S. Senate as the the Junior Bush's effective departure from their unit and apparently from his 6 year obligation to the National Guard as well.

Truth or Consequences(subscription)

by Joe Hagan

MAY 2012

But the CBS documents that seem destined to haunt Rather are, and have always been, a red herring. The real story, assembled here for the first time in a single narrative, featuring new witnesses and never-reported details, is far more complex than what Rather and Mapes rushed onto the air in 2004. At the time, so much rancorous political gamesmanship surrounded Bush’s military history that it was impossible to report clearly (and Rather’s flawed report effectively ended further investigations). But with Bush out of office, this is no longer a problem.

While the Linkes were there, Bush’s former commanding officer, Lieutenant Colonel Jerry Killian, allegedly told them that Bush had stopped flying because he became afraid to land the plane. “He was mucking up bad, Killian told us,” Janet said to a Florida newspaper. (Jan Peter died in a car accident in 1973.)

But by the time Linke went public with her allegation, the press had already abandoned the Bush National Guard story for the Dan Rather controversy. Also ignored was some possible corroborating evidence...

What’s clear, however, is that Bush’s superiors made it unusually easy for him to quit flying and leave Houston. They first attempted to sign him up for a postal unit in Alabama that met once a month. (The commander of the outfit told Bush he couldn’t guarantee that the group would even exist in three months but added, “We’re glad to have you!”) When Bush was informed that he couldn’t fulfill his duty by doing that, he sent a letter requesting “equivalent duty” with the 187th Tactical Reconnaissance Group, at Dannelly Air Base, in Montgomery. The unit commander, in official memos, said Bush could start by attending two drills in September 1972. He didn’t show up for the drills.

When Bush lost his flight status, in August 1972, the official military protocol of the Texas Air National Guard was to open an internal investigation and review why the pilot didn’t show up for his physical. It says so on Bush’s own documents. That never happened.

Bush’s go-to expert on his military record, Albert Lloyd, said a report wasn’t necessary because Bush’s commanders knew he had stopped flying to go to work in Alabama—proof only that the Air National Guard blew off the rules when it came to Bush.

The Junior Bush wasn't so much disobeying orders as getting vague orders crafted to fit into his plans. Too bad so many other young Americans without Bush's Daddy's connections had their lives interrupted to be sent off to Viet Nam.



The Simpsons Season 8 Episode 1

Treehouse of Horror VII

Aired Sunday 8:00 PM Oct 27, 1996 on FOX


Clinton Aide: (closely resembling George Stephanopoulos) People are becoming a bit confused by the way you and your opponent are… well… constantly holding hands.

Kang: (as Dole) We are merely exchanging long protein strings. If you can think of a simpler way, I'd like to hear it.



The Simpsons Season 8 Episode 1

Treehouse of Horror VII

Aired Sunday 8:00 PM Oct 27, 1996 on FOX

The Thing and I Homer and Marge warn the children not to go up into the attic. Of course they do and there they discover Bart's Siamese twin, who plans to sew them back together. The Genesis Tub Lisa's science experiment becomes a quickly-developing micro-universe, where she is thought of as God and Bart is the devil. Citizen Kang Homer is abducted by Kang and Kodos. The aliens take Homer to Washington where they replace Clinton and Dole just in time for the election. Homer tries to explain the truth, but no one believes him.

AIRED: 10/27/96



The Simpsons Season 8 Episode 1

Treehouse of Horror VII

Aired Sunday 8:00 PM Oct 27, 1996 on FOX


(From "The Thing and I")

Dr Hibbert: That means the evil twin is and always has been...Bart.

(They all turn around and stare at Bart.)

Bart: Oh, don't look so shocked.

JOURNAL ARCHIVE: - posted by H.V.O.M - Kerry Wayne Burgess 05:17 AM Pacific Time Seattle USA Friday 22 February 2013 - http://hvom.blogspot.com/2013/02/chain-reaction.html

Back in the year 2003 I wrote a letter on my computer at home and I printed it out on to paper and I put that letter in a stamped envelope for the postal service and I sent that letter through the United States Postal Service. I had the envelope of the letter addressed specifically to the Chief of [ Naval ] Operations United States Navy and I referenced a special projects branch I had found on the internet.

I wrote about a computer program I created for the guided missile computer complex system that would transfer memory from one of the computers to the other when we were in the Persian Gulf in 1988. We had two identical systems in place. They were twins you could say. The transfer of code was problematic and the solution was not obvious.

I mailed the letter to the Chief of Operations United States Navy and told them I should have received the Silver Star.

[JOURNAL ARCHIVE 22 February 2013 excerpt ends]


The American Presidency Project

Gerald Ford

XXXVIII President of the United States: 1974 - 1977

959 - Remarks on Arrival at Seattle, Washington.

October 25, 1976

THANK YOU very, very much, Dan. It's wonderful to be in Seattle, the great State of Washington, and we're delighted to come in on one of those great planes made right here in the Boeing plant. It's good, safe, very comfortable; we thank you for it very, very much.

But I'd also like to express my appreciation for Joel Pritchard being here and the other fine State officials who have participated in this warm welcome. And I, of course, am deeply grateful for Mr. Wilson being here and have the opportunity to see so many of the Boeing employees.

I can recall vividly, on several occasions in past years, I came out and had a chance to go through your plant, meet many of your fellow employees personally. You should be proud of what you do. We're very proud of your contributions.

I have a couple of special guests that I would like to introduce to you. First, former Congresswoman Edith Green, who is well-known all throughout the Northwest, formerly from Oregon as an outstanding representative in the House of Representatives. Edith. Edith and I served together for 19 years in the House of Representatives. She was, I think, the most knowledgeable person in education and labor management legislation. She was on the other side of the aisle. She's heading up the Citizens for Ford Committee as a loyal Democrat. Let me say without hesitation, when she was on your side, we usually won. When she was against you, it was tough. But thank you very much for being with us. And then there's somebody else I think all of you know, my good friend Joe Garagiola. Joe is working with us to do a few good television programs around the country. We did one in California last night. He's terrific, not only in those sporting events but he does a great job helping our cause. Then another person you've seen a good many times--Betty and I've watched "Mission: Impossible" more times than I can count--it's a pleasure for me to introduce Peter Graves. Peter.

I'm especially pleased to be here in Boeing country and to thank you for the very warm welcome. This city and, of course, this State have long demonstrated a very special active interest in protecting your environment.

One of the major threats to our environment is noise pollution. We must reduce the noise pollution around American airports and bring quiet back to the skies throughout our country. We must free aviation from arbitrary and unnecessary restrictions and regulations so that the airlines themselves can pay the cost of quieting aircraft noise.

We should create an economic climate which will stimulate valuable and lasting jobs in our aircraft industry. I know how important this is to the city of Seattle, which has long been a leader in military and commercial aircraft.

I've directed the Secretary of Transportation to instruct the Administrator of FAA to extend its noise standards to all domestic U.S. commercial aircraft to become effective January 1, 1977, and to be phased in over an 8-year period. I'm also directing the Secretary of State to initiate negotiations with the International Civil Aviation Conference to reach agreement on noise standards for all international aircraft flying into the United States. And I'm putting the Congress on notice that I will not accept its failure to act on aviation regulatory reform. Congress must adopt the airline regulatory measure that I proposed in 1975. Passage of this legislation will mean lower air fares, a stronger aviation industry, which is more able to pay for new, quieter aircraft, and jobs for our aerospace workers--and we didn't plan that plane flying over. [Laughter]

I want the Members of Congress on both sides of the political aisle to know that aviation regulatory reform will be on their doorstep when they come back in January. Congress must act within 90 days after the new session opens on January 3, 1977. With congressional action, we can make certain that U.S. airlines will meet noise standards and, at the same time, continue to be a healthy and competitive industry serving some 200 million Americans.

I have directed the Secretary of Transportation to schedule open public hearings before the end of this year, to consider whether financing provisions may be necessary to ensure that the air carriers can meet those noise requirements. The Secretary will consider and will evaluate the financial condition as well as the needs of the airline industry, the costs of meeting the new noise standards, and alternative sources of funds to pay these costs. And I'm directing the Secretary of Transportation to report his findings to me by March 3, 1977.

Solving the airport noise problem--and it's a serious problem in 26 airports throughout the United States, affecting some 6 million people who live in the vicinity of these airports--it's an environmental imperative that we make progress in this area. In solving this problem, we will bring into service a fleet of quiet, new aircraft that will result in up to a 30-percent saving in fuel, lower operating costs, lower fares, and less air pollution from older aircraft.

Replacing the older planes will also strengthen our aircraft industry, which is absolutely vital to our world leadership in economic trade and our national defense. And in building these new aircraft, we will create almost a quarter of a million of useful, productive jobs for Americans.

The best way to make sure that our aerospace workers have lasting jobs and create new, permanent jobs in the aircraft and related industries is to give the free enterprise system its best chance to operate. We'll do it.
Thank you very, very much.

Note: The President spoke at 10:45 a.m. at the Boeing Field at the King County International Airport. In his opening remarks, he referred to Governor Daniel J. Evans of Washington, Representative Joel Pritchard, and T. Wilson, chairman of the board of the Boeing Company.


The American Presidency Project

Gerald Ford

XXXVIII President of the United States: 1974 - 1977

960 - Remarks in Seattle, Washington.

October 25, 1976

THANK YOU very, very much, Dan, Joel Pritchard. And may I at the very outset introduce a very good friend of mine. He's a good friend of yours. You've seen a lot of him lately, but you'd like to see him in person--Joe Garagiola. Joe. He can run as well as talk. [Laughter]

MR. GARAGIOLA. I'm not very good at making political speeches. I just believe in people; I believe in President Ford, and for the first time in my life, I think I've booked a winner.

THE PRESIDENT. I would also like to express my deep, personal appreciation to the master of ceremonies, Peter Graves, who went with us in Illinois, who was with us in California. Thank you very, very much, Peter.

In this process, you get some experience on bands. Well, let me say that the Bellevue Band, the Queen Anne Band, and the Everett Band--they're all first-class.

I can't express deeply enough my appreciation to Dan Evans. And when people say he's a Governor's Governor, believe me, that means something to me. I respect his tremendous job for you, and I'm deeply appreciative of his personal friendship. Thank you very, very much, Dan.

I said in Kansas City, in August, just a few months ago, that we wouldn't concede a single State and we wouldn't concede a single vote. We haven't, and we won't, and that's why we're going to win on November 2.

When I see such a tremendous crowd here on the waterfront of Seattle, I'm absolutely confident with the enthusiasm that you have that we're going to carry the State of Washington on November 2, and we'll win in this election across the country. And while I am here in Seattle, let me extend a very special invitation for all of you to come to Washington, D.C., on January 20, 1977, to be a part of the inauguration of Jerry Ford and Bob Dole.

You know where I stand. I stand on your side for limited government, for fiscal responsibility, for rising prosperity, for lower taxes, for military strength, for peace in the world. And I'm proud to stand here in Seattle and say not a single young American is fighting and dying on any foreign soil today, and we'll keep it that way. After so many years in which America's defensive needs were short-changed, I proposed the two largest defense outlays in America's history. And that was tough to convince the Congress to stop slashing away--in effect, cutting away---our military capability.

The people of Seattle not only understand the importance of a strong national defense, you've been doing something about it. The Nation is proud of the vital role which Seattle and the Boeing Company have played in making America the leader in aviation, both civilian as well as military. Congratulations. At this moment, the Boeing B-52 is the backbone of our strategic bomber force, an absolutely indispensable element in preserving peace through strength.

Let me add that my opponent in this campaign, I think mistakenly so, has promised a defense cut of at least $5 to $6 billion. That kind of defense cut would require troop withdrawals from strategic bases overseas; delay or cancel advanced weapons systems like the B-1 bomber; a slowdown in our ship construction program, which helps to keep the peace throughout the world. It would mean closing defense plants and military bases right here, possibly--not only in the United States as a whole but the State of Washington as well.

You don't want that, either. I don't want it. And we'll keep our defenses strong in the next 4 years of a Ford administration, so we can maintain the peace, deter aggression, and stand tall and strong with our allies as well as facing up to any challenges of our adversaries. That's my pledge to you for the next 4 years.

After so many years of runaway growth in the Federal budget, I submitted a budget for this fiscal year which cut the rate of growth of Federal spending by one-half. I've held the line on Government spending with 66 vetoes and saved you, the hard-pressed taxpayers, more than $9 billion. And let me tell you what that means to an individual tax-paying family. Nine billion dollars saved in the Federal Treasury--those vetoes saved each American family about $200 in Federal spending in the last 12 to 18 months.

Because I've not been afraid to say no to excessive spending, we will submit a balanced budget for the Federal Government in 1978, and we'll have another tax reduction for the American taxpayer in the meantime. Listen carefully. My idea of tax reform is tax reduction. I propose raising your personal income tax exemption from $750 to $1,000. Congress didn't act on that proposal. I can't understand why.

What would it mean to an individual tax-paying family? I was in a plant the other day. One of the workers asked me, "What are you doing about tax reduction?" And I told him how we wanted to raise the personal income tax reduction by $250 per dependent or taxpayer. I said, "How many children do you have?" And he said, "Three." A wife, three children, himself--under my proposal, that would mean that that taxpayer, when he fills out that tax return in 1977 or 1978, that he would get $1,250 more in a personal exemption. I think that's good tax reform.

We all know that the middle-income taxpayer has been shortchanged in America, and so the Ford proposal for tax reform, which is tax reduction, will give the kind of tax relief that the middle-income taxpayer needs and wants. And if the next Congress won't do it in 1977 or 1978, we'll go to the American people and we'll beat those that keep on shortchanging the middle-income taxpayer.

Now, after so many years of uncontrolled inflation, as Dan Evans said, we've cut inflation in half in the past 2 years, and I pledge to you we'll do even better in the next 4.

Now, after the worst recession in 40 years--I didn't like it; you didn't like it--we've added 4 million new jobs in the American economy in the past 2 years, not by creating dead end, unproductive jobs at the taxpayers' expense, but by stimulating jobs with a future in the private economy where five out of the six jobs in America exist today.

Too many people are out of work. We're not satisfied with the progress we've made, but I say with some pride, more Americans were on the job in 1976 than ever before in the history of the United States, nearly 88 million, and that's a tremendous comeback from where we were just 18 months ago.

After suffering a tragic betrayal of public trust 2 years ago, America has had its faith restored in the White House itself. My administration has been open, candid, straightforward. We call'em as we see'em. We talk straight from the shoulder, and we'll keep it that way for the next 4 years.

In every field, America is on the move, on the march. We've made an incredible comeback in the past 2 years, and we're not through yet. You can believe me when I say this Nation is sound, this Nation is secure, this Nation is on the way to a better quality of life.

And this administration has earned the trust of the American people for the next 4 years. My record is one of progress, not platitudes; performance, not promises. We don't need a Government in Washington to do everything for us or to tell us everything we can or cannot do. As I travel the length and the breadth of America, I find that we have a great reservoir of talent and industry in America, and it's not all concentrated on the banks of the Potomac. You've got it here in Washington and, believe me, we've got it in 49 other States.

Jimmy Carter says we're not respected anymore. This week, America made a clean sweep of the Nobel Prizes for economics, chemistry, physics, medicine, and literature. This is the first time in the history of the awarding of those prestigious awards that a single country has been the home of all these winners. That doesn't sound like a second-rate operation to me.

I'm proud to be a citizen of this great country, just like you are. We've had our problems, but in the past 2 years we've come a long, long way. At home and abroad we're putting our old differences aside; we're putting old problems behind us, healing the wounds, the angers that existed some 2 years ago. It's a record that I'm proud to run on, a record the people of Washington and concerned citizens throughout the whole United States--Democrats, Independents, and Republicans--who can and will support this ticket of Jerry Ford and Bob Dole on November 2.

Give me your mandate, and we'll reduce the growth of government even more. Give me your mandate, and we'll ensure the integrity of the social security system. We'll improve Medicare so that our older citizens can enjoy the health and happiness that they have so richly earned. There is no reason that our older citizens should have to go broke just to get well.

Give me your mandate, and we'll create a tax system that is fair to all, that will preserve the family, the family home, the family business, the family farm, that will give to business the tax incentives to build new plants, modernize old ones, and create more and more jobs throughout America.

Give me your mandate, and I will lead this Nation on the paths of peace through strength, and we will live in peace and freedom in the United States of America.

I have no fear for the future of this great country. The future for America is a friend. And as we go forward, I promise you once more, as I promised you before, to uphold the Constitution, to do what is right as God gives me to see the right, and to do the very best that I can for America. God helping me, I will not let you down.

Thank you very, very much.

Note: The President spoke at 12:46 p.m. at Pier 57.


chron Houston Chronicle Archives

Soviet warships being watched in Gulf

Houston Chronicle News Services


A U.S. Navy vessel is closely monitoring the movements of two Soviet warships that entered the Gulf of Mexico and came within 40 miles of the Texas coast, the U.S. Navy said.

The USS Taylor, American guidedmissile frigate, has been tracking the Soviet ships - a guided-missile destroyer and a guided-missile frigate - since they left Havana Thursday, said Lt. Cmdr. Craig Quigley, a Navy spokesman in Norfolk, Va.

The Taylor is always "within visual range" of the Soviet vessels that were last reported about 100 miles southwest of Tampa, Fla., and moving in a southeasterly direction, possibly toward Cuba, said Quigley.

However, there was no way to determine whether the Soviet warships were preparing to leave the Gulf and return to Havana. "They can always change rudder at a moment's notice," he said.

The destroyer and frigate - part of a larger group of four Soviet ships that entered the Caribbean in September - entered the Gulf Thursday, Quigley said.

JOURNAL ARCHIVE: From: Kerry Burgess

Sent: Thursday, February 16, 2006 11:26 AM

To: Kerry Burgess

Subject: Re: Communist Interrogations

Kerry Burgess wrote:

The stimulants, in general, have the effect of increasing wakefulness and alertness at the expense of creating tremulousness, feelings of anxiety and overactivity. Caffein, benzedrine, and dexedrine fall into this category. There are a number of derivatives of benzedrine which have essentially the same action. "Aktedron," a synthetic benzedrine derivative, has been used in Czechoslovakia and Southeast Europe. Coffee and Benzedrine derivatives are sometimes administered to tired or sleepy prisoners in order to wake them up enough so that the interrogation can be carried on. They have been used in this manner in Eastern Europe, in Russia, and in China. In and of themselves they have no important effect in producing confessions. Used in combination with a system of psychological and physiological pressures they will in many cases accelerate and exacerbate the profound fatigue, confusion, loss of critical judgment, and breakdown of resistance which is a consequence of the full course of control techniques.

[I was suspecting back with I worked at Microsoft that someone was drugging my coffee.]

[JOURNAL ARCHIVE 16 February 2006 excerpt ends]

JOURNAL ARCHIVE: From: Kerry Burgess

Sent: Thursday, February 16, 2006 11:26 AM

To: Kerry Burgess

Subject: Re: Communist Interrogations

Kerry Burgess wrote:
I was thinking the other day, as whoever listens to me in the bathroom knows, about a situation 20 years ago when I was face-to-face with the Soviet Navy.

Ah, I remember now, it was after Bush was talking about how he thought the oceans would protect us. I thought out loud that he should have been with me in 1985 off the coast of Texas. And then that reminded me of something I read about Bush filling the role of a Soviet bomber during a training exercise with his fighter squadron. Doesn't make sense.

Anyway, I was thinking about how we had our names on our uniforms. We were close enough to them that they could probably read our names with telephoto lenses. I wonder if they would use that information to try to recruit spies, similar to the Walker spy ring that was going on back then. Then I remember something peculiar a year or two later. When I was in school at Dam Neck, someone commented that my security badge had a different color background on my photo. I didn't know what it meant. A different security level? So then I began to wonder the other day if maybe our spies had picked up their spies mentioning our names, taken from that expedition in 1985. I also wondered how often the Soviets had ships off our coast, especially the Gulf Coast. I remember someone saying they could easily launch a cruise missile strike on Dallas from there and I remember thinking of what that would do to those skyscrapers.

These are mean-looking mothers:

SS-N-12 Sandbox is a Russian supersonic speed cruise missile with a range of 550 km carrying a payload of 1,000 kg

[JOURNAL ARCHIVE 16 February 2006 excerpt ends]

JOURNAL ARCHIVE: From: Kerry Burgess

Sent: Thursday, February 16, 2006 11:26 AM

To: Kerry Burgess

Subject: Re: Communist Interrogations


For years, when we grew up -- at least us baby boomers grew up -- we thought that oceans would protect us from harm's way. And then we learned a solemn lesson on that day. We learned the lesson that there is an enemy which hates us because of what we stand for. Because we love freedom, because we value freedom, because we work for free societies, there's an enemy which is willing to inflict harm. The enemy also is the kind of enemy we've really never faced before because they're willing to kill innocent women and children and men of all religions in order to affect our psychology.

[Just what was it about the ocean that would protect us from Soviet bombers and missiles? And then he's talking about some new enemy that hates us, what did he think we needed defense from the Soviets for?]


served as an F-102 fighter pilot in the Texas Air National Guard.

[I wonder if he knows Ballmer personally?] President Bush received a Master of Business Administration from Harvard Business School in 1975.


"William Campenni, a retired Guard pilot, served with Mr. Bush in the 111th. He remembers a training flight over the Gulf during which the future president mimicked a Soviet bomber.

[JOURNAL ARCHIVE 16 February 2006 excerpt ends]



Slava-class cruiser

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Slava-class cruiser (Soviet designation Project 1164 Atlant) is a type of large, conventionally powered warship, designed and constructed for the Soviet Navy and currently operated by the Russian Navy.


The design started in the late 1960s, based around use of the P-500 Bazalt missile, and was intended as a less expensive conventionally powered alternative to the nuclear-powered Kirov-class battlecruisers. Moskva is armed with P-1000 Vulkan AShM missiles, developed in the late 1970's to late 1980's. Although the missiles are an older variant, they are still considered better than any AShM missile in the world with exception of the Russian P700/800s. It is not known which Slava-class cruisers carry P-1000s other than Moskva. There was a long delay in this programme, while the problems with the Bazalt were resolved. These ships acted as flagships for numerous task forces. All ships were built at the 61 Kommunar yard, in Mykolaiv (Nikolaev), Ukrainian SSR. The class was a follow up to the Kara-class cruiser which the Soviet Navy typed as a Large Anti-submarine Ship (Russ. BPK), constructed at the same shipyard and appears to be built on a stretched version of the Kara-class hull.

The Slava class was initially designated BLACKCOM 1 (Black Sea Combatant 1) and then designated the Krasina class for a short period until Slava was observed at sea. The SS-N-12 launchers are fixed facing forward at around 8° elevation



Project 1164 Atlant

Krasina/Slava class

Guided Missile Cruiser

The Slava class was designed as a surface strike ship with some anti-air and ASW capability. This smaller contemporary of the Kirov may have been intended as a less-expensive complement to the larger ships. The sixteen SS-N-12 Sandbox anti-ship missiles are mounted in four pairs on either side of the superstructure, giving the ship a distinctive appearance. Many sources credit the Slava with the ability to carry nuclear armed SA-N-6 surface-to-air missiles, and 21-inch nuclear torpedoes, in addition to the SS-N-12. Soviet sources denied that the SA-N-6 missiles on the ship was even nuclear capable. They also indicated that the crane aboard the ship was used for handling boats, and not for loading or reloading SA-N-6 missiles, a procedure accomplished only at portside.

Initially designated Black Com1 by Western intelligence and subsequently the Krasina class , the first Slava class cruiser became operational in 1983


P-500 Bazalt

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The P-500 Bazalt is a turbojet-powered, supersonic cruise missile used by the Soviet and Russian navies. Its GRAU designation is 4K80 and its NATO reporting name is SS-12 Sandbox.


Developed by OKB-52 MAP (later NPO Mashinostroyeniye), it entered service to replace the SS-N-3 Shaddock. The P-500 Bazalt was first deployed in 1975 on the Soviet aircraft carrier Kiev, and was later added to both the Echo II class submarine and the Juliett class submarine. A version of the P-500 Bazalt with improved guidance and engines is used on the Slava class cruiser. The sixteen launchers dominate the decks of the class.


The P-500 Bazalt has a 550 km range and a payload of 1,000 kg, which allows it to carry a 350 kt nuclear or a 950 kg semi-armor-piercing high explosive warhead. The P-500 Bazalt uses active radar homing for terminal guidance, and can receive mid-course correction from the Tupolev Tu-95RTs Bear D, the Kamov Ka-25K Hormone B and the Kamov Ka-31.

The missiles were intended to be used in salvos; a submarine could launch eight in rapid succession, maintaining control of each through a separate datalink. In flight the group could co-ordinate their actions; one would fly to a higher altitude and use its active radar to search for targets, forwarding this data to the other missiles which remained at low altitude. The missiles were programmed so that half of a salvo would head for a carrier target, with the rest dividing between other ships. If the high flying missile was shot down another from the salvo would automatically pop up to take its place. All of the missiles would switch to active radar for the terminal phase of the attack.

- posted by H.V.O.M - Kerry Wayne Burgess 3:11 PM Pacific Time Spokane Valley Washington USA Tuesday 28 July 2015