getDynamicImage.jpg
https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0097165/locations
IMDb
Dead Poets Society (1989)
Filming & Production
St. Andrew's School - 350 Noxontown Road, Middletown, Delaware, USA (school)
Middletown, Delaware, USA
https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0097165/quotes
IMDb
Dead Poets Society (1989)
Quotes
John Keating: We don't read and write poetry because it's cute. We read and write poetry because we are members of the human race. And the human race is filled with passion. And medicine, law, business, engineering, these are noble pursuits and necessary to sustain life. But poetry, beauty, romance, love, these are what we stay alive for. To quote from Whitman, "O me! O life!... of the questions of these recurring; of the endless trains of the faithless
From 4/12/1956 ( premiere US film "The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit" ) To 12/20/1994 ( in Bosnia as Kerry Wayne Burgess the United States Marine Corps captain this day is my United States Navy Cross medal date of record ) is 14131 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 7/11/2004 is 14131 days
From 6/2/1989 ( premiere US film "Dead Poets Society" ) To 7/11/2004 is 5518 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 12/11/1980 ( premiere US TV series "Magnum, P.I." ) is 5518 days
From 12/10/1988 ( Ronald Reagan - Radio Address to the Nation on Soviet-United States Relations ) To 7/11/2004 is 5692 days
5692 = 2846 + 2846
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 8/18/1973 ( The Killian Document ) is 2846 days
From 2/11/1918 ( Woodrow Wilson - Address to Congress on International Order ) To 6/29/1995 ( the Mir space station docking of the United States space shuttle Atlantis orbiter vehicle mission STS-71 includes me Kerry Wayne Burgess the United States Marine Corps officer and United States STS-71 pilot astronaut and my 3rd official United States of America National Aeronautics Space Administration orbital flight of 4 overall ) is 28262 days
28262 = 14131 + 14131
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 7/11/2004 is 14131 days
From 8/13/1950 ( premiere US TV series "Battle Report" ) To 4/21/1989 ( the George Bush purchase of the Texas Rangers baseball corporation ) is 14131 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 7/11/2004 is 14131 days
From 8/13/1950 ( premiere US TV series "Battle Report" ) To 4/21/1989 ( premiere US film "Field of Dreams" ) is 14131 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 7/11/2004 is 14131 days
From 12/7/1941 ( the United States Navy Pacific Fleet severely damaged in the surprise attack at Pearl Harbor Hawaii ) To 7/11/2004 is 22862 days
22862 = 11431 + 11431
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 2/18/1997 ( as Kerry Wayne Burgess the United States Marine Corps officer and United States STS-82 pilot astronaut and my 4th official United States National Aeronautics Space Administration orbital flight of 4 overall I begin repairing the US Hubble Telescope while in space and orbit of the planet Earth - extravehicular activity #5 completes the mission's servicing and refurbishment of the Hubble Space Telescope ) is 11431 days
From 1/17/1991 ( the date of record of my United States Navy Medal of Honor as Kerry Wayne Burgess chief warrant officer United States Marine Corps circa 1991 officially the United States Apache attack helicopter pilot ) To 7/11/2004 is 4924 days
4924 = 2462 + 2462
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 7/30/1972 ( premiere US film "Deliverance" ) is 2462 days
From 1/17/1991 ( RACKETEER INFLUENCED AND CORRUPT ORGANIZATIONS US Title 18 - the Persian Gulf War begins as scheduled severe criminal activity against the United States of America ) To 7/11/2004 is 4924 days
4924 = 2462 + 2462
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 7/30/1972 ( premiere US film "Deliverance" ) is 2462 days
From 12/25/1971 ( George Walker Bush the purveyor of illegal drugs strictly for his personal profit including the trafficking of massive amounts of cocaine into the United States confined to federal prison in Mexico for illegally smuggling narcotics in Mexico ) To 7/11/2004 is 11887 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 5/20/1998 ( premiere US TV series episode "South Park"::"Chickenlover" ) is 11887 days
https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2004/07/20040711.html
George W. Bush
For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
July 11, 2004
Fact Sheet: White House South Lawn Tee Ball
White House South Lawn Tee Ball
July 11, 2004 -- 4:00 p.m.
Challenger Phillies of M.O.T. Little League
Middletown, Delaware
vs.
Challenger Yankees of Lancaster County Little Leagues
Lancaster, Pennsylvania
Program Participants
Former Major League pitcher Jim Abbott congratulates a player from the Challenger Phillies from Middletown, Delaware at Tee Ball on the South Lawn at the White House on Sunday July 11, 2004. White House photo by Paul MorseTee Ball
Commissioner: Cal Ripken, Jr.
Play-by-Play Announcer: Matt Winer, ESPN
Honorary First Base Coach: Dave Dravecky, former Major League Baseball pitcher for the San Francisco Giants and San Diego Padres
Honorary Third Base Coach: Jim Abbott, former Major League Baseball pitcher for the California Angels, New York Yankees, Chicago White Sox, and Milwaukee Brewers
National Anthem Singer: Laura Dodd of Nashville, Tennessee
Color Guard: Brownie Girl Scout Troop #2970 and Junior Girl Scout Troop #2427 from Greenbelt, Maryland
Game Ball Presenter: Nine-year old Matt Bradley from Carnegie, Pennsylvania, will hand President Bush the game ball. Matt, diagnosed with ADHD and autism (Asperger's Syndrome), enjoys participating in the Scott Township Athletic Association Little League program, the Scott Township Library chess club, and the school chorus. Matt wrote a letter to the President announcing his own aspiration to be President of the United States.
Volunteer Recognition: Darrell Green, Chairman of the President's Council on Service and Civic Participation, joins the President in recognizing Laura Kissam of Oakton, Virginia, for answering the call to service and for her dedication to helping others. Laura is being recognized for her outstanding volunteer activities, including her work with children and adults with disabilities through the Loudoun Therapeutic Riding Foundation in Leesburg, Virginia.
Facts about the President's White House Tee Ball Initiative
President Bush launched his White House Tee Ball Initiative to promote interest in baseball and a spirit of teamwork and service for America's youth. This is the fourth year of the President's White House Tee Ball Initiative, and this is the second game of the 2004 season. Teams are selected by Little League Baseball in Williamsport, Pennsylvania, and can be nominated online at www.littleleague.org.
What is tee ball? Tee ball is the entry sport to baseball for young players, generally four to eight years old. Tee ball develops the primary baseball skills of hitting, running, fielding, and throwing and gives children solid teamwork experience. Tee ball is played in every state and territory and in dozens of countries around the world. Participation is estimated at 2.2 million players -- 65% boys and 35% girls. Members of two teams take turns hitting a ball off a batting tee set on home plate. Batters try to get on base and advance to home; fielders try to prevent that from happening. The absence of pitching allows children to participate without the fear of being hit by a pitched ball. The players gain an understanding of the fundamental rules, which allows minimally competitive league play at all age levels.
President George W. Bush and First Lady Laura Bush watch the Challenger Phillies of M.O.T. Little League from Middletown, Delaware take on the Challenger Yankees of Lancaster County Little Leagues from Lancaster County, Pennsylvania with former NFL Washington Redskins player Darrell Green, center, at Tee Ball on the South Lawn at the White House on Sunday July 11, 2004. White House photo by Paul MorseWhat is the Challenger League? Little League's Challenger division features teams of mentally and physically disabled children. This division serves the needs of disabled children by providing the learning experience of tee ball and the camaraderie of team sports. The players range in age from 5 to 18 years old. In the Challenger Division, players are accompanied by "buddies" who offer assistance to the Challenger players when needed. This fellowship between children with disabilities and the non-disabled helps develop social skills for both groups.
https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0097165/releaseinfo
IMDb
Dead Poets Society (1989)
Release Info
USA 2 June 1989 (limited)
http://www.tv.com/shows/magnum-pi/dont-eat-the-snow-in-hawaii-part-1-1590852/
tv.com
Magnum, P.I. Season 1 Episode 1
Aired Dec 11, 1980 on CBS
AIRED: 12/11/80
https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0049474/releaseinfo
IMDb
The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit (1956)
Release Info
USA 12 April 1956 (New York City, New York)
https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0049474/fullcredits
IMDb
The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit (1956)
Full Cast & Crew
Gregory Peck ... Tom Rath
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=110448
The American Presidency Project
Woodrow Wilson
XXVIII President of the United States: 1913 - 1921
Address to Congress on International Order
February 11, 1918
On the 8th of January I had the honor of addressing you on the objects of the war as our people conceive them. The Prime Minister of Great Britain had spoken in similar terms on the 5th of January. To these addresses the German Chancellor replied on the 24th, and Count Czernin for Austria on the same day. It is gratifying to have our desire so promptly realized that all exchanges of view on this great matter should be made in the hearing of all the world.
Count Czernin's reply which is directed chiefly to my own address on the 8th of January, is uttered in a very friendly tone. He finds in my statement a sufficiently encouraging approach to the views of his own Government to justify him in believing that it furnishes a basis for a more detailed discussion of purposes by the two Governments.
He is represented to have Intimated that the views he was expressing had been communicated to me beforehand and that I was aware of them at the time he was uttering them; but in this I am sure he was misunderstood. I had received no. Intimation of what he intended to say. There was, of course, no reason why he should communicate privately with me. 1 am quite content to be one of his public audience.
Count von Hertling's reply is. I must say, very vague and very confusing. It is full of equivocal phrases and leads it is not clear where. But it is certainly in a very different tone from that of Count Czernin, and apparently of an opposite purpose. It confirms, I am sorry to say, rather than removes the unfortunate impression made by what we had learned of the conferences at Brest-Litovsk.
His discussion and acceptance or our general principles lead him to no practical conclusions. He refuses to apply them to the substantive items which must constitute the body of any final settlement. He is Jealous of international action and of International council. lie accepts, he says, the principle of public diplomacy, but he appears to insist that it be confined, at any rate in this case, to generalities, and that the several particular questions of territory and sovereignty, the several questions upon whose settlement must depend the acceptance of Peace by the twenty-three States now engaged in the war, must be discussed and settled, not in general council, but severally by the nations most immediately concerned by interest or neighborhood.
He agrees that the seas should he free, but looks askance at and limitation to that freedom by international action in the interest of the common order. He would without reserve be glad to see economic barriers removed between nation and nation, for that could in no way impede the ambitions of the military party, with whom he seems constrained to keep on terms. Neither does he raise objection to a limitation of armaments. That matter will be settled of itself, he thinks, by the economic conditions which must follow the war. But the German colonies, he demands, must be returned without debate. He will discuss with no one but the representatives of Russia what disposition shall be made of the peoples and the lands of the Baltic provinces; with no one but the Government of France the "conditions" under which French territory shall be evacuated; and only with Austria what shall be done with Poland.
In the determination of all questions affecting the Balkan States he defers, as I understand him, to Austria and Turkey; and, with regard to the agreement to be entered into concerning the non-Turkish peoples of the present Ottoman Empire, to the Turkish authorities themselves. After a settlement all around, effected in this fashion, by individual barter and concession, he would have no objection, if I correctly interpret his statement, to a league of nations which would undertake to hold the new balance of power steady against external disturbance.
It must be evident to every one who understands what this war has wrought in the opinion and temper of the world that no general peace, no peace worth the infinite sacrifices of these years of tragical [sic] suffering, can possibly be arrived at in any such fashion. The method the German Chancellor proposes is the method of the Congress of Vienna. We cannot and will not return to that.
What is at stake now is the peace of the world. What we are striving for is a new international order based upon broad and universal principles of right and justice -no mere peace of shreds and patches. Is it possible that Count von Hutting does not see that, does not grasp it, is, In fact, living in his thought in a world dead and gone? Has he utterly forgotten the Reichstag resolutions of the 10th of July, or does lie deliberately ignore them? They spoke of the conditions of a general peace, not of national aggrandizement or of arrangements between State and State.
The peace of the world depends upon the just settlement of each of the several problems to which I adverted in my recent .address to the Congress. I, or course, do not mean that the peace of the world depends upon the acceptance of any particular set of suggestions as to the way in which those problems are to be dealt with. I mean only that those problems each and all affect the whole world; that unless they are dealt with in a spirit of unselfish and unbiased justice, with a view to the wishes, the natural connections, the racial aspirations, the Security and peace of mind of the peoples involved, no permanent peace will have been attained.
They cannot be discussed separately or in corners. None of them constitutes a private or separate interest from which the opinion of the world may be shut out. Whatever affects the peace affects mankind, and nothing settled by military force, if settled wrong, is settled at all. It will presently have to be reopened.
Is Count von Hertling not aware that he is speaking in the court of mankind, that all the awakened nations of the world now sit in judgment on what every public man, of whatever nation, may say on the issues of a conflict which has spread to every region of the world? The Reichstag resolutions of July themselves frankly accepted the decisions of that court. There shall be no annexations, no contributions, no punitive damages. Peoples are not to be handed about from one sovereignty to another by an international conference or an understanding between rivals and antagonists. National aspirations must be respected; peoples may now be dominated and governed only by their own consent. "Self-determination" is not a mere phrase. It is an imperative principle of action, which statesmen will henceforth ignore at their peril.
We cannot have general peace for the asking or by the mere arrangements of a peace conference. It cannot be pieced together out of individual understandings between powerful States. All the parties to this war must join in the settlement of every issue anywhere involved in it, because what we are seeking is a peace that we can all unite to guarantee and maintain, and every item of it must be submitted to the common judgment whether it be right and fair, an act of justice, rather than a bargain between sovereigns.
The United States has no desire to interfere in European affairs or to act as arbiter in European territorial disputes. She would disdain to take advantage of any internal weakness or disorder to impose her own will upon another people. She is quite ready to be shown that the settlements she has suggested are not the best or the most enduring. They are only her own provisional sketch of .principles, and of the way in which they should be applied.
But she entered this war because she was made a partner, whether she would or not, in the sufferings and indignities inflicted by the military masters of Germany against the peace and security of mankind; and the conditions of peace will touch her as nearly as they will touch any other nation to which is intrusted a leading part in the maintenance of civilization. She cannot see her way to peace until the causes of this war are removed, its renewal rendered, as neatly as may be, impossible.
This war had its roots in the disregard of the rights of small nations and of nationalities which lacked the union and the force to make good their claim to determine their own allegiances and their own forms of political life. Covenants must now be entered into which Will render such things impossible for the future; and those covenants must he backed by the united force of all the nations that love justice and are willing to maintain it at any cost.
If territorial settlements and the political relations of great populations which have not the organized power to resist are to be determined by the contracts of the powerful Governments which consider themselves most directly affected, as Count von Hertling proposes, why may not economic questions also? It has come about in the altered world in which we now find ourselves that justice and the rights of peoples affect the whole field of international dealing as much as access to raw materials and fair and equal conditions of trade.
Count von Hertling wants the essential bases of commercial and industrial life to be safeguarded by common agreement and guarantee, but he cannot expect that to be conceded him if the other matters to be determined by the articles of peace are not handled in the same way as items in the final accounting. He cannot ask the benefit of common agreement in the one field without according it in the other. I take it for granted that he sees that separate and selfish compacts with regard to trade and the essential materials of manufacture would afford no foundation for peace. Neither, he may rest assured, will separate and selfish compacts with regard to provinces and peoples.
Count Czernin seems to see the fundamental elements of peace with clear eyes, and does not seek to obscure them. He sees that an independent Poland, made up of all the indisputably Polish peoples who lie contiguous to one another, is a matter of European concern, and must, of course, be conceded; that Belgium must be evacuated and restored, no matter what sacrifices and concessions that may involve; and that national aspirations must be satisfied, oven within his own empire, in the common interest of Europe and mankind.
If he is silent about questions which touch the interest and purpose of his allies more nearly than they touch those of Austria only, it must, of course, be because he feels constrained, I suppose, to defer to Germany and Turkey in the circumstances. Seeing and conceding, as he does, the essential principles involved and the necessity of candidly applying them, he naturally feels that Austria can respond to the purpose of peace as expressed by the United States with less embarrassment than could Germany. He would probably have gone much further had it not been for the embarrassments of Austria's alliances and of her dependence upon Germany.
After all, the test of whether it is possible for either Government to go any further in this comparison of views is simple and obvious. The principles to be applied are these:
First—That each part of the final settlement must be based upon the essential, justice of that particular case and upon such adjustments as are most likely to bring a peace that will be permanent.
Second—That peoples and provinces are not to be bartered about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were mere chattels and pawns in a game, even the great game, now forever discredited, of the balance of power; but that,
Third-Every territorial settlement involved in this war must be made in the interest and for the benefit of the populations concerned, and not as a part of any mere adjustment or compromise of claims among rival States; and,
Fourth—That all well-defined national aspirations shall be accorded the utmost satisfaction that can be accorded them without introducing new or perpetuating old elements of discord and antagonism that would be likely in time to break the peace of Europe, and consequently of the world.
A general peace erected upon such foundations can be discussed. Until such a peace can be secured we have no choice but to go on. So far as we can judge, these principles that we regard as fundamental are already everywhere accepted as imperative except among the spokesmen of the military and annexationist party in Germany. If they have anywhere else been rejected, the objectors have not been sufficiently numerous or influential to make their voices audible. The tragical circumstance is that this one party in Germany is apparently willing and able to send millions of men to their death to prevent what all the world now sees to be just.
I would not be a true spokesman of the people of the United States if I did not say once more that we entered this war upon no small occasion and that we can never turn back from a course chosen upon principle. Our resources are in part mobilized now, and we shall not pause until they are mobilized in their entirety. Our armies are rapidly going to the fighting front, and will go more and more rapidly. Our whole strength will be put into this war of emancipation-emancipation from the threat and attempted mastery of selfish groups of autocratic rulers-whatever the difficulties and present partial delays.
We are indomitable in our power of independent action, and can in no circumstances consent to live in a world governed by intrigue and force. We believe that our own desire for a new international order, under which reason and justice and the common interests of mankind shall prevail, is the desire of enlightened men everywhere. Without that new order the world will be without peace and human life will lack tolerable conditions of existence and development. Having set our hand to the task of achieving it, we shall not tarn back.
I hope it is not necessary for me to add that no word of what I have said is intended as a threat. That is not the temper of our people. I have spoken thus only that the whole world may know the true spirit of America-that men everywhere may know that our passion for justice and for self-government is no mere passion of words, but a passion which, once set in motion, must be satisfied. The power of the United States is a menace to no nation or people. It will never be used in aggression or for the aggrandizement of any selfish interest of our own. It springs out of freedom and is for the service of freedom.
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=35255
The American Presidency Project
Ronald Reagan
XL President of the United States: 1981 - 1989
Radio Address to the Nation on Soviet-United States Relations
December 10, 1988
My fellow Americans:
On Wednesday, this week, I met with Soviet President Gorbachev for the fifth time. Together we stood under the gaze of Lady Liberty, speaking of the prospects of peace for the peoples of our two nations and for all the world. Yes, since our first summit in Geneva 3 years ago, we've traveled a great journey that has seen remarkable progress, a journey we continue to travel together. I am pleased that the Soviet Union has accepted our offer of humanitarian aid in the wake of their devastating earthquake tragedy.
This has also been a period of important change inside the Soviet Union. The greater openness permitted by Moscow can be found in films, art, and literature. There is greater tolerance for those seeking to peacefully assemble, and the official press carries more independent opinions and factual reporting.
And just a few years ago, who would have anticipated seeing a Soviet leader stand before the world community, heralding a plan for economic restructuring and military redeployments, and promising to meet the world community's highest standards of human rights? If this vision is realized and these promises are turned into deeds, we would be witnessing a dramatic change in the Soviet system, a long-awaited break with the past, and the opening of a new era in international affairs.
Certainly the Soviet reforms have their limits, and brave dissenters within that country who have sought a fuller measure of openness continue to be dealt with harshly. But I was encouraged by the new promises of reform that Mr. Gorbachev made before the United Nations and hope to see these and past promises translated into permanent institutional changes that will signal to the peoples of the Soviet Union and the world a courageous commitment to a new path of democratization. We already see unprecedented diversity in Eastern Europe, with some countries pursuing reforms that go even beyond the Soviet example, while other countries continue to lag behind. We hope to see the day when all countries of Eastern Europe enjoy the freedom, democracy, and self-determination that their peoples have long awaited.
Just a decade ago, some intellectuals widely predicted what they called convergence: the idea that the democratic world and the Communist world would merge into one hybrid system. The main question amounted to how much freedom would democratic nations have to give up in the bargain. But instead, the free world held firm to its democratic values, cleaving to truths deeply rooted in Western culture and our Judeo-Christian tradition.
Moreover, we spoke openly of the moral superiority of our ideal of freedom. We candidly criticized the violations of human rights occurring behind the Iron Curtain. We rebuilt our defenses and with our allies worked to counter international aggression by our totalitarian adversaries. And we exhibited that scarcest of commodities: patience. And our steadfastness, our policies, our whole approach has borne fruit. Perhaps the most dramatic achievement came 1 year ago, when Mr. Gorbachev and I signed the historic INF treaty to eliminate an entire class of U.S. and Soviet nuclear missiles.
Next week, the Prime Ministers of two of our key NATO allies, Turkey and Italy, will visit Washington. And certainly, along with other issues, we plan to discuss this week's visit by Mr. Gorbachev and the strategic situation in Europe.
For some time now, the Soviet bloc has had overwhelming superiority in conventional forces in Europe, so we welcome the Soviet force reductions that are promised. But let's remember this: Even after these redeployments are completed in 1991, the Warsaw Pact will still have a large conventional advantage—an edge of about 5-to-2 in tanks and artillery and some 300,000 more troops. These unilateral reductions would, however, give a long-awaited encouragement for our efforts to achieve the genuine balance in conventional forces that would assure greater security and stability in Europe.
Well, in these brightest of times, let us recall that in the darkest days of World War II, when hopes for the free world seemed most bleak, Winston Churchill rallied us to carry on, saying that "We have not journeyed all this way because we are made of sugar candy." By summoning all their strength and courage, and by pulling together, the allies prevailed. The war was won.
The decades following World War II were filled with political tensions and threats to world freedom. But in recent years, we've seen hopes for a free and peaceful future restored and the chance for a new U.S.-Soviet relationship emerge. To the American people and to our allies, I would echo Churchill and say we have not come this far through lack of strength or any weakness in our resolve, nor has there been anything inevitable about what we've achieved. The unity, confidence, power, and firmness of the democracies has brought us forward, and maintaining a strong alliance will keep us moving forward.
Until next week, thanks for listening
https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0097351/releaseinfo
IMDb
Field of Dreams (1989)
Release Info
USA 21 April 1989 (limited)
https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0097351/fullcredits
IMDb
Field of Dreams (1989)
Full Cast & Crew
Kevin Costner ... Ray Kinsella
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0042079/releaseinfo
IMDb
Release dates for
"Battle Report" (1950)
Country Date
USA 13 August 1950
http://www.trumanlibrary.org/hstpaper/jackson.htm
Harry S. Truman
Library & Museum
Harry S. Truman Papers
Staff Member and Office Files:
Charles W. Jackson Files
A considerable amount of material in the Assistant to the Assistant to the President File relates to "Battle Report--Washington", a weekly television series of eighty-six episodes that appeared on the NBC network from August 13, 1950, to April 20, 1952. Hosted by Dr. Steelman, the Assistant to the President, "Battle Report featured interviews with top government officials and film footage of contemporary events. With its content dominated by the Korean crisis and the anti-Communist rhetoric of the Cold War, "Battle Report" basically served as a vehicle for presenting the Truman administration's policies and views to the American public. As Steelman's assistant, Jackson was apparently responsible for preparing materials and making arrangements for the series; his files include scripts for the programs and drafts of remarks to be made by Dr. Steelman during the broadcasts.
http://www.tvguide.com/tvshows/battle-report/199931
TV GUIDE
Battle Report on NBC
Premiered: August 13, 1950, on NBC
Premise: Weekly updates on the progress of U.S. forces in the Korean War.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/politics/campaigns/wh2000/stories/bushside073199.htm
The Washington Post
Bush Earned Profit, Rangers Deal Insiders Say
By Lois Romano and George Lardner Jr.
Washington Post Staff Writers
Saturday, July 31, 1999; Page A12
On April 21, 1989, a 39-member ownership group led by George W. Bush and a Fort Worth financier closed a deal to buy the Texas Rangers, installing Bush as the managing partner.
When the group sold the team last year for $250 million, Bush's share was $14.9 million after an initial investment of a relatively modest half-million dollars. His handsome profit raised questions about whether his name had landed him a sweetheart deal.
http://www.dailykos.com/story/2012/04/25/1085393/-Dan-Rather-got-it-right-George-W-Bush-DID-go-AWOL#
DAILY KOS
WED APR 25, 2012 AT 01:33 PM PDT
Dan Rather got it right George W. Bush DID go AWOL
byLefty Coaster
I always suspected something like this was the case. The new issue of Texas Monthly delves into the long neglected story of George W. Bush less than stellar military career in the Texas Air National Guard. The Texas Monthly lays out the surprisingly complicated mechanizations that led to the Junior Bush landing this plumb spot in the T.A.N.G.
That George W. got special treatment at a time when draftees were likely to end up slogging through the jungles of Viet Nam shouldn't come as too much of a surprise to anyone who knows how America routinely gives special treatment to the offspring of the 1%.
https://www.yourcsd.com/ImageRepository/Document?documentID=1339
http://www.chakoteya.net/StarTrek/71.htm
Whom Gods Destroy [ Star Trek: The Original Series ]
Original Airdate: 3 Jan, 1969
SPOCK: Please forgive me, but exactly where is your fleet?
GARTH: Out there waiting for me. They will flock to my cause, and for good reason. Limitless power, limitless wealth, and solar systems ruled by the elite. We, gentlemen, are that elite, and we must take what is rightfully ours from the decadent weaklings that now hold it.
- posted by Kerry Burgess 9:43 PM Pacific Time Spokane Valley Washington USA Thursday 09 August 2018
