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http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=9581
The American Presidency Project
John F. Kennedy
XXXV President of the United States: 1961 - 1963
82 - Special Message to the Congress on Civil Rights
February 28, 1963
To the Congress of the United States:
"Our Constitution is color blind," wrote Mr. Justice Harlan before the turn of the century, "and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens." But the practices of the country do not always conform to the principles of the Constitution. And this Message is intended to examine how far we have come in achieving first-class citizenship for all citizens regardless of color, how far we have yet to go, and what further tasks remain to be carried out by the Executive and Legislative Branches of the Federal Government, as well as by state and local governments and private citizens and organizations.
One hundred years ago the Emancipation Proclamation was signed by a President who believed in the equal worth and opportunity of every human being. That Proclamation was only a first step--a step which its author unhappily did not live to follow up, a step which some of its critics dismissed as an action which "frees the slave but ignores the Negro." Through these long one hundred years, while slavery has vanished, progress for the Negro has been too often blocked and delayed. Equality before the law has not always meant equal treatment and opportunity. And the harmful, wasteful and wrongful results of racial discrimination and segregation still appear in virtually every aspect of national life, in virtually every part of the Nation.
The Negro baby born in America today-regardless of the section or state in which he is born--has about one-half as much chance of completing high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day-one-third as much chance of completing college--one-third as much chance of becoming a professional man--twice as much chance of becoming unemployed--about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 per year--a life expectancy which is seven years less--and the prospects of earning only half as much.
No American who believes in the basic truth that "all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights", can fully excuse, explain or defend the picture these statistics portray. Race discrimination hampers our economic growth by preventing the maximum development and utilization of our manpower. It hampers our world leadership by contradicting at home the message we preach abroad. It mars the atmosphere of a united and classless society in which this Nation rose to greatness. It increases the costs of public welfare, crime, delinquency and disorder. Above all, it is wrong.
Therefore, let it be clear, in our own hearts and minds, that it is not merely because of the Cold War, and not merely because of the economic waste of discrimination, that we are committed to achieving true equality of opportunity. The basic reason is because it is right.
The cruel disease of discrimination knows no sectional or state boundaries. The continuing attack on this problem must be equally broad. It must be both private and public--it must be conducted at national, state and local levels--and it must include both legislative and executive action.
In the last two years, more progress has been made in securing the civil rights of all Americans than in any comparable period in our history. Progress has been made-through executive action, litigation, persuasion and private initiative--in achieving and protecting equality of opportunity in education, voting, transportation, employment, housing, government, and the enjoyment of public accommodations.
But pride in our progress must not give way to relaxation of our effort. Nor does progress in the Executive Branch enable the Legislative Branch to escape its own obligations. On the contrary, it is in the light of this nationwide progress, and in the belief that Congress will wish once again to meet its responsibilities in this matter, that I stress in the following agenda of existing and prospective action important legislative as well as administrative measures.
I. THE RIGHT TO VOTE
The right to vote in a free American election is the most powerful and precious right in the world--and it must not be denied on the grounds of race or color. It is a potent key to achieving other rights of citizenship. For American history--both recent and past--clearly reveals that the power of the ballot has enabled those who achieve it to win other achievements as well, to gain a full voice in the affairs of their state and nation, and to see their interests represented in the governmental bodies which affect their future. In a free society, those with the power to govern are necessarily responsive to those with the right to vote.
In enacting the 1957 and 1960 Civil Rights Acts, Congress provided the Department of Justice with basic tools for protecting the right to vote--and this Administration has not hesitated to use those tools. Legal action is brought only after voluntary efforts fail-and, in scores of instances, local officials, at the request of the Department of Justice, have voluntarily made voting records available or abandoned discriminatory registration, discriminatory voting practices or segregated balloting. Where voluntary local compliance has not been forthcoming, the Department of Justice has approximately quadrupled the previous level of its legal effort--investigating coercion, inspecting records, initiating lawsuits, enjoining intimidation, and taking whatever follow-up action is necessary to forbid further interference or discrimination. As a result, thousands of Negro citizens are registering and voting for the first time--many of them in counties where no Negro had ever voted before. The Department of Justice will continue to take whatever action is required to secure the right to vote for all Americans.
Experience has shown, however, that these highly useful Acts of the 85th and 86th Congresses suffer from two major defects. One is the usual long and difficult delay which occurs between the filing of a lawsuit and its ultimate conclusion. In one recent case, for example, nineteen months elapsed between the filing of the suit and the judgment of the court. In another, an action brought in July 1961 has not yet come to trial. The legal maxim "Justice delayed is Justice denied" is dramatically applicable in these cases.
Too often those who attempt to assert their Constitutional rights are intimidated. Prospective registrants are fired. Registration workers are arrested. In some instances, churches in which registration meetings are held have been burned. In one case where Negro tenant farmers chose to exercise their right to vote, it was necessary for the Justice Department to seek injunctions to halt their eviction and for the Department of Agriculture to help feed them from surplus stocks. Under these circumstances, continued delay in the granting of the franchise--particularly in counties where there is mass racial disfranchisement-permits the intent of the Congress to be openly flouted.
Federal executive action in such cases-no matter how speedy and how drastic--can never fully correct such abuses of power. It is necessary instead to free the forces of our democratic system within these areas by promptly insuring the franchise to all citizens, making it possible for their elected officials to be truly responsive to all their constituents.
The second and somewhat overlapping gap in these statutes is their failure to deal specifically with the most common forms of abuse of discretion on the part of local election officials who do not treat all applicants uniformly.
Objections were raised last year to the proposed literacy test bill, which attempted to speed up the enforcement of the right to vote by removing one important area of discretion from registration officials who used that discretion to exclude Negroes. Preventing that bill from coming to a vote did not make any less real the prevalence in many counties of the use of literacy and other voter qualification tests to discriminate against prospective Negro voters, contrary to the requirements of the 14th and 15th Amendments, and adding to the delays and difficulties encountered in securing the franchise for those denied it.
An indication of the magnitude of the overall problem, as well as the need for speedy action, is a recent five-state survey disclosing over 200 counties in which fewer than 15% of the Negroes of voting age are registered to vote. This cannot continue. I am, therefore, recommending legislation to deal with this problem of judicial delay and administrative abuse in four ways:
First, to provide for interim relief while voting suits are proceeding through the courts in areas of demonstrated need, temporary Federal voting referees should be appointed to determine the qualifications of applicants for registration and voting during the pendency of a lawsuit in any county in which fewer than 15% of the eligible number of persons of any race claimed to be discriminated against are registered to vote. Existing Federal law provides for the appointment of voting referees to receive and act upon applications for voting registration upon a court finding that a pattern or practice of discrimination exists. But to prevent a successful case from becoming an empty victory, insofar as the particular election is concerned, the proposed legislation would provide that, within these prescribed limits, temporary voting referees would be appointed to serve from the inception to the conclusion of the Federal voting suit, applying, however, only State law and State regulations. As officers of the court, their decisions would be subject to court scrutiny and review.
Second, voting suits brought under the Federal Civil Rights statutes should be accorded expedited treatment in the Federal courts, just as in many state courts election suits are given preference on the dockets on the sensible premise that, unless the right to vote can be exercised at a specific election, it is, to the extent of that election, lost forever.
Third, the law should specifically prohibit the application of different tests, standards, practices, or procedures for different applicants seeking to register and vote in federal election. Under present law, the courts can ultimately deal with the various forms of racial discrimination practiced by local registrars. But the task of litigation, and the time consumed in preparation and proof, should be lightened in every possible fashion. No one can rightfully contend that any voting registrar should be permitted to deny the vote to any qualified citizen, anywhere in this country, through discriminatory administration of qualifying tests, or upon the basis of minor errors in filling out a complicated form which seeks only information. Yet the Civil Rights Commission, and the cases brought by the Department of Justice, have compiled one discouraging example after another of obstacles placed in the path of Negroes seeking to register to vote at the same time that other applicants experience no difficulty whatsoever. Qualified Negroes, including those with college degrees, have been denied registration for their inability to give a "reasonable" interpretation of the Constitution. They have been required to complete their applications with unreasonable precision--or to secure registered voters to vouch for their identity--or to defer to white persons who want to register ahead of them--or they are otherwise subjected to exasperating delays. Yet uniformity of treatment is required by the dictates of both the Constitution and fair play--and this proposed statute, therefore, seeks to spell out that principle to ease the difficulties and delays of litigation. Limiting the proposal to voting qualifications in elections for Federal offices alone will clearly eliminate any Constitutional conflict.
Fourth, completion of the sixth grade should, with respect to Federal elections, constitute a presumption that the applicant is literate. Literacy tests pose especially difficult problems in determining voter qualification. The essentially subjective judgment involved in each individual case, and the difficulty of challenging that judgment, have made literacy tests one of the cruelest and most abused of all voter qualification tests. The incidence of such abuse can be eliminated, or at least drastically curtailed, by the proposed legislation providing that proof of completion of the sixth grade constitutes a presumption that the applicant is literate.
Finally, the 87th Congress--after 20 years of effort--passed and referred to the states for ratification a Constitutional Amendment to prohibit the levying of poll taxes as a condition to voting. Already thirteen states have ratified the proposed Amendment and in three more one body of the Legislature has acted. I urge every state legislature to take prompt action on this matter and to outlaw the poll tax--which has too long been an outmoded and arbitrary bar to voting participation by minority groups and others--as the 24th Amendment to the Constitution. This measure received bipartisan sponsorship and endorsement in the Congress--and I shall continue to work with governors and legislative leaders of both parties in securing adoption of the anti-poll tax amendment.
II. EDUCATION
Nearly nine years have elapsed since the Supreme Court ruled that State laws requiring or permitting segregated schools violate the Constitution. That decision represented both good law and good judgment--it was both legally and morally right. Since that time it has become increasingly dear that neither violence nor legalistic evasions will be tolerated as a means of thwarting court-ordered desegregation, that closed schools are not an answer, and that responsible communities are able to handle the desegregation process in a calm and sensible manner. This is as it should be--for, as I stated to the Nation at the time of the Mississippi violence last September:
"... Our Nation is founded on the principle that observance of the law is the eternal safeguard of liberty, and defiance of the law is the surest road to tyranny. The law which we obey includes the final rulings of the courts, as well as the enactment's of our legislative bodies. Even among law-abiding men, few laws are universally loved--but they are uniformly respected and not resisted.
"Americans are free to disagree with the law but not to disobey it. For in a government of laws and not of men, no man, however prominent or powerful, and no mob, however unruly or boisterous, is entitled to defy a court of law. If this country should ever reach the point where any man or group of men, by force or threat of force, could long defy the commands of our court and our Constitution, then no law would stand free from doubt, no judge would be sure of his writ, and no citizen would be safe from his neighbors."
The shameful violence which accompanied but did not prevent the end of segregation at the University of Mississippi was an exception. State supported universities in Georgia and South Carolina met this test in recent years with calm and maturity, as did the state supported universities of Virginia, North Carolina, Florida, Texas, Louisiana, Tennessee, Arkansas and Kentucky in earlier years. In addition, progress toward the desegregation of education at all levels has made other notable and peaceful strides, including the following forward moves in the last two years alone:
--Desegregation plans have been put into effect peacefully in the public schools of Atlanta, Dallas, New Orleans, Memphis and elsewhere, with over 60 school districts desegregated last year--frequently with the help of Federal persuasion and consultation, and in every case without incident or disorder.
--Teacher training institutes financed under the National Defense Education Act are no longer held in colleges which refuse to accept students without regard to race, and this has resulted in a number of institutions opening their doors to Negro applicants voluntarily.
--The same is now true of Institutes conducted by the National Science Foundation;
--Beginning in September of this year, under the Aid to Impacted Area School Program, the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare will initiate a program of providing on-base facilities so that children living on military installations will no longer be required to attend segregated schools at Federal expense. These children should not be victimized by segregation merely because their fathers chose to serve in the armed forces and were assigned to an area where schools are operated on a segregated basis.
--In addition, the Department of Justice and the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare have succeeded in obtaining voluntary desegregation in many other districts receiving "impacted area" school assistance; and, representing the Federal interest, have filed lawsuits to end segregation in a number of other districts.
--The Department of Justice has also intervened to seek the opening of public schools in the case of Prince Edward County, Virginia, the only county in the Nation where there are no public schools, and where a bitter effort to thwart court decrees requiring desegregation has caused nearly 1500 out of 1800 school age Negro children to go without any education for more than 3 years.
In these and other areas within its jurisdiction, the Executive Branch will continue its efforts to fulfill the Constitutional objective of an equal, non-segregated, educational opportunity for all children.
Despite these efforts, however, progress toward primary and secondary school desegregation has still been too slow, often painfully so. Those children who are being denied their constitutional rights are suffering a loss which can never be regained, and which will leave scars which can never be fully healed. I have in the past expressed my belief that the full authority of the Federal government should be placed behind the achievement of school desegregation, in accordance with the command of the Constitution. One obvious area of Federal action is to help facilitate the transition to desegregation in those areas which are conforming or wish to conform their practices to the law.
Many of these communities lack the resources necessary to eliminate segregation in their public schools while at the same time assuring that educational standards will be maintained and improved. The problem has been compounded by the fact that the climate of mistrust in many communities has left many school officials with no qualified source to turn to for information and advice.
There is a need for technical assistance by the Office of Education to assist local communities in preparing and carrying out desegregation plans, including the supplying of information on means which have been employed to desegregate other schools successfully. There is also need for financial assistance to enable those communities which desire and need such assistance to employ specialized personnel to cope with problems occasioned by desegregation and to train school personnel to facilitate the transition to desegregation. While some facilities for providing this kind of assistance are presently available in the Office of Education, they are not adequate to the task.
I recommend, therefore, a program of Federal technical and financial assistance to aid school districts in the process of desegregation in compliance with the Constitution.
Finally, it is obvious that the unconstitutional and outmoded concept of "separate but equal" does not belong in the Federal statute books. This is particularly true with respect to higher education, where peaceful desegregation has been underway in practically every state for some time. I repeat, therefore, this Administration's recommendation of last year that this phrase be eliminated from the Morrill Land Grant College Act.
III. EXTENSION AND EXPANSION OF THE COMMISSION ON CIVIL RIGHTS
The Commission on Civil Rights, established by the Civil Rights Act of 1957, has been in operation for more than five years and is scheduled to expire on November 30, 1963. During this time it has fulfilled its statutory mandate by investigating deprivations of the right to vote and denials of equal protection of the laws in education, employment, housing and the administration of justice. The Commission's reports and recommendations have provided the basis for remedial action both by Congress and the Executive Branch.
There are, of course, many areas of denials of rights yet to be fully investigated. But the Commission is now in a position to provide even more useful service to the Nation. As more communities evidence a willingness to face frankly their problems of racial discrimination, there is an increasing need for expert guidance and assistance in devising workable programs for civil rights progress. Agencies of State and local government, industry, labor and community organizations, when faced with problems of segregation and racial tensions, all can benefit from information about how these problems have been solved in the past. The opportunity to seek an experienced and sympathetic forum on a voluntary basis can often open channels of communication between contending parties and help bring about the conditions necessary for orderly progress. And the use of public hearings--to contribute to. public knowledge of the requirements of the Constitution and national policy--can create in these communities the atmosphere of understanding which is indispensable to peaceful and permanent solutions to racial problems.
The Federal Civil Rights Commission has the experience and capability to make a significant contribution toward achieving these objectives. It has advised the Executive branch not only about desirable policy changes but about the administrative techniques needed to make these changes effective. If, however, the Commission is to perform these additional services effectively, changes in its authorizing statute are necessary and it should be placed on a more stable and more permanent basis. A proposal that the Commission be made a permanent body would be a pessimistic prediction that our problems will never be solved. On the other hand, to let the experience and knowledge gathered by the Commission go to .waste, by allowing it to expire, or by extending its life only for another two years with no change in responsibility, would ignore the very real contribution this agency can make toward meeting our racial problems. I recommend, therefore, that the Congress authorize the Civil Rights Commission to serve as a national civil rights clearing house providing information, advice, and technical assistance to any requesting agency, private or public; that in order to fulfill these new responsibilities, the Commission be authorized to concentrate its activities upon those problems within the scope of its statute which most need attention; and that the life of the Commission be extended for a term of at least four more years.
IV. EMPLOYMENT
Racial discrimination in employment is especially injurious both to its victims and to the national economy. It results in a great waste of human resources and creates serious community problems. It is, moreover, inconsistent with the democratic principle that no man should be denied employment commensurate with his abilities because of his race or creed or ancestry.
The President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity, reconstituted by Executive Order in early 1961, has, under the leadership of the Vice President, taken significant steps to eliminate racial discrimination by those who do business with the Government. Hundreds of companies-covering 17 million jobs--have agreed to stringent non-discriminatory provisions now standard in all Government contracts. One hundred four industrial concerns--including most of the Nation's major employers--have in addition signed agreements calling for an affirmative attack on discrimination in employment; and 117 labor unions, representing about 85% of the membership of the AFL-CIO, have signed similar agreements with the Committee. Comprehensive compliance machinery has been instituted to enforce these agreements. The Committee has received over 1,300 complaints in two years--more than in the entire 7 1/2 years of the Committee's prior existence--and has achieved corrective action on 72% of the cases handled--a heartening and unprecedented record. Significant results have been achieved in placing Negroes with contractors who previously employed whites only--and in the elevation of Negroes to a far higher proportion of professional, technical and supervisory jobs. Let me repeat my assurances that these provisions in Government contracts and the voluntary non-discrimination agreements will be carefully monitored and strictly enforced.
In addition, the Federal Government, as an employer, has continued to pursue a policy of non-discrimination in its employment and promotion programs. Negro high school and college graduates are now being intensively sought out and recruited. A policy of not distinguishing on grounds of race is not limited to the appointment of distinguished Negroes--although they have in fact been appointed to a record number of high policy-making judicial and administrative posts. There has also been a significant increase in the number of Negroes employed in the middle and upper grades of the career Federal service. In jobs paying $4,500 to $10,000 annually, for example, there was an increase of 20% in the number of Negroes during the year ending June 30, 1962--over three times the rate of increase for all employees in those grades during the year. Career civil servants will continue to be employed and promoted on the basis of merit, and not color, in every agency of the Federal Government, including all regional and local offices.
This Government has also adopted a new Executive policy with respect to the organization of its employees. As part of this policy, only those Federal employee labor organizations that do not discriminate on grounds of race or color will be recognized.
Outside of Government employment, the National Labor Relations Board is now considering cases involving charges of racial discrimination against a number of union locals. I have directed the Department of Justice to participate in these cases and to urge the National Labor Relations Board to take appropriate action against racial discrimination in unions. It is my hope that administrative action and litigation will make unnecessary the enactment of legislation with respect to Union discrimination.
V. PUBLIC ACCOMMODATIONS
No act is more contrary to the spirit of our democracy and Constitution--or more rightfully resented by a Negro citizen who seeks only equal treatment--than the barring of that citizen from restaurants, hotels, theaters, recreational areas and other public accommodations and facilities.
Wherever possible, this Administration has dealt sternly with such acts. In 1961, the Justice Department and the Interstate Commerce Commission successfully took action to bring an end to discrimination in rail and bus facilities. In 1962, the fifteen airports still maintaining segregated facilities were persuaded to change their practices, thirteen voluntarily and two others after the Department of Justice brought legal action. As a result of these steps, systematic segregation in interstate transportation has virtually ceased to exist. No doubt isolated instances of discrimination in transportation terminals, restaurants, rest rooms and other facilities will continue to crop up, but any such discrimination will be dealt with promptly.
In addition, restaurants and public facilities in buildings leased by the Federal Government have been opened up to all Federal employees in areas where previously they had been segregated. The General Services Administration no longer contracts for the lease of space in office buildings unless such facilities are available to all Federal employees without regard to race. This move has taken place without fanfare and practically without incident; and full equality of facilities will continue to be made available to all Federal employees in every state.
National parks, forests and other recreation areas--and the District of Columbia Stadium--are open to all without regard to race. Meetings sponsored by the Federal Government or addressed by Federal appointees are held in hotels and halls which do not practice discrimination or segregation. The Department of Justice has asked the Supreme Court to reverse the convictions of Negroes arrested for seeking to use public accommodations; and took action both through the Courts and the use of Federal marshals to protect those who were testing the desegregation of transportation facilities.
In these and other ways, the Federal Government will continue to encourage and support action by state and local communities, and by private entrepreneurs, to assure all members of the public equal access to all public accommodations. A country with a "color blind" Constitution, and with no castes or classes among its citizens, cannot afford to do less.
VI. OTHER USES OF FEDERAL FUNDS
The basic standard of non-discrimination-which I earlier stated has now been applied by the Executive Branch to every area of its activity--affects other programs not listed above:
--Although President Truman ordered the armed services of this country desegregated in 1948, it was necessary in 1962 to bar segregation formally and specifically in the Army and Air Force Reserves and in the training of all civil defense workers.
--A new Executive Order on housing, as unanimously recommended by the Civil Rights Commission in 1959, prohibits discrimination in the sale, lease or use of housing owned or constructed in the future by the Federal Government or guaranteed under the FHA, VA and Farmers Home Administration program. With regard to existing property owned or financed through the Federal Government, the departments and agencies are directed to take every appropriate action to promote the termination of discriminatory practices that may exist. A President's Committee on Equal Housing Opportunity was created by the Order to implement its provisions.
--A Committee on Equal Opportunity in the Armed Forces has been established to investigate and make recommendations regarding the treatment of minority groups, with special emphasis on off-base problems.
--The U.S. Coast Guard Academy now has Negro students for the first time in its 87 years of existence.
--The Department of Justice has increased its prosecution of police brutality cases, many of them in Northern states--and is assisting state and local police departments in meeting this problem.
--State employee merit systems operating programs financed with Federal funds are now prohibited from discriminating on the basis of race or color.
--The Justice Department is challenging the constitutionality of the "separate but equal" provisions which permit hospitals constructed with Federal funds to discriminate racially in the location of patients and the acceptance of doctors.
In short, the Executive Branch of the Federal Government, under this Administration and in all of its activities, now stands squarely behind the principle of equal opportunity, without segregation or discrimination, in the employment of Federal funds, facilities and personnel. All officials at every level are charged with the responsibility of implementing this principle--and a formal interdepartmental action group, under White House chairmanship, oversees this effort and follows through on each directive. For the first time, the full force of Federal executive authority is being exerted in the battle against race discrimination.
CONCLUSION
The various steps which have been undertaken or which are proposed in this Message do not constitute a final answer to the problems of race discrimination in this country. They do constitute a list of priorities--steps which can be taken by the Executive Branch and measures which can be enacted by the 88th Congress. Other measures directed toward these same goals will be favorably commented on and supported, as they have in the past--and they will be signed, if enacted into law.
In addition, it is my hope that this message will lend encouragement to those state and local governments--and to private organizations, corporations and individuals--who share my concern over the gap between our precepts and our practices. This is an effort in which every individual who asks what he can do for his country should be able and willing to take part. It is important, for example, for private citizens and local governments to support the State Department's effort to end the discriminatory treatment suffered by too many foreign diplomats, students and visitors to this country. But it is not enough to treat those from other lands with equality and dignity--the same treatment must be afforded to every American citizen.
The program outlined in this message should not provide the occasion for sectional bitterness. No state or section of this Nation can pretend a self-righteous role, for every area has its own civil rights problems.
Nor should the basic elements of this program be imperiled by partisanship. The proposals put forth are consistent with the platforms of both parties and with the positions of their leaders. Inevitably there will be disagreement about means and strategy. But I would hope that on issues of constitutional rights and freedom, as in matters affecting our national security, there is a fundamental unity among us that will survive partisan debate over particular issues.
The centennial of the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation is an occasion for celebration, for a sober assessment of our failures, and for rededication to the goals of freedom. Surely there could be no more meaningful observance of the centennial than the enactment of effective civil rights legislation and the continuation of effective executive action.
JOHN F. KENNEDY
http://www.upi.com/Archives/1967/06/17/China-says-it-fires-H-bomb/5458453012585/
UPI
HOME / UPI ARCHIVES
China says it fires H-bomb
June 17, 1967
TOKYO, June 17, 1967 (UPI) - Communist China announced it successfully conducted its first hydrogen bomb test today in the air over the western part of the China mainland. -- The announcement was made in a Japanese language broadcast monitored in Tokyo. It said the Chinese scientists had succeeded in launching a "hydrogen bomb test."
It was the sixth Red Chinese nuclear weapons test since Peking joined the world atomic powers in October 1964
https://www.osti.gov/manhattan-project-history/Events/1945-present/proliferation.htm
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF ENERGY
NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION
The first Chinese atomic test (left), codenamed "596," took place at the Lop Nor Testing Ground on October 16, 1964. (The leader of China, Mao Zedong, had famously declared that nuclear weapons, and by extension the United States, were a "paper tiger," but that did not prevent him from pushing the Chinese nuclear program through to fruition.) Only three years later, on June 17, 1967, China conducted its first thermonuclear test.
From 2/28/1963 ( John Kennedy - Special Message to the Congress on Civil Rights ) To 6/28/1988 ( from my official United States Navy documents: "AND LEVELS OF FORCE" ) is 9252 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 3/3/1991 is 9252 days
From 6/12/1933 ( Franklin Roosevelt - Address to the Future Farmers of America ) To 10/11/1958 ( premiere US TV series "U.S. Marshal"::series premiere episode "The Fugitives" ) is 9252 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 3/3/1991 is 9252 days
From 3/1/1954 ( Dwight Eisenhower - Proclamation 3044 - Display of the Flag of the United States of America at Half-Staff Upon the Death of Certain Officials and Former Officials ) To 3/3/1991 is 13516 days
13516 = 6758 + 6758
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 5/4/1984 ( my Ashdown Arkansas High School Class of 1984 awards ceremony ) is 6758 days
From 7/19/1989 ( the United Airlines Flight 232 crash ) To 3/3/1991 is 592 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/17/1967 ( the first hydrogen bomb explosion by Communist China and with the ongoing support of the George Herbert Walker Bush spy network violently against the United States of America and their communist ally Bill Clinton & Hillary Rodham ) is 592 days
From 10/17/1975 ( premiere US film "Rooster Cogburn" ) To 3/3/1991 is 5616 days
5616 = 2808 + 2808
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 7/11/1973 ( premiere US film "Cahill U.S. Marshal" ) is 2808 days
From 9/3/1964 ( Lyndon Johnson - Letter Accepting Resignation of Robert F. Kennedy as Attorney General ) To 1/2/1990 ( General of the Armies of the United States and United States Navy Fleet Admiral Thomas Reagan my biological brother walked into the office of George Herbert Walker Bush and after giving him adequate direct verbal warning to defend himself General of the Armies of the United States Thomas Reagan used his fist to physically hit George Bush in the face with enough physical force to leave George Bush unconscious on the floor of his office because George Bush has murdered United States Navy SEALs in Panama and because George Bush is a cowardly violent criminal and because George Bush is an active severely treasonous agent of the Soviet Union and Communist China violently against the United States of America ) is 9252 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 3/3/1991 is 9252 days
http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/trials24.htm
Famous Trials
JURIST >> LEGAL RESEARCH >> Famous Trials >> The Trials of Los Angeles Police Officers
Every month, Professor Douglas Linder of the University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law, developer of the Famous American Trials website, introduces JURIST readers to one of legal history's famous trials. This month...
The Rodney King Beating Trials
It's been just over a decade since we all saw--over and over--the horrifying video images of three white Los Angeles Police Department officers beating and kicking an African-American motorist, Rodney King. Next spring will mark the tenth anniversary of the riots that followed the verdict in the first King beating trial--riots that left much of south central Los Angeles in ruins.
A decade is a long enough period to allow us to put the LAPD officers trial in perspective. We can now see this American tragedy as one with many victims: not just King, not just the fifty-four mostly Koreans and Latinos who died in the L. A. riots, but also some of the police officers whose law enforcement careers ended with their prosecution.
Sometimes when we pursue justice we achieve only its opposite; other times when we pursue justice we fail to achieve it--but we learn something about its nature.
Douglas Linder
University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law
It seemed like an open-and-shut case. The George Holliday video, played on television so often that an executive at CNN called it "wallpaper," showed three Los Angeles police officers--as their supervisor watched-- kicking, stomping on, and beating with metal batons a seemingly defenseless African-American named Rodney King. Polls taken shortly after the incident showed that over 90% of Los Angeles residents who saw the videotape believed that the police used excessive force in arresting King. Despite the videotape, a jury in Simi Valley concluded a year later that the evidence was not sufficient to convict the officers. Within hours of the jury's verdict, Los Angeles erupted in riots. When it was over, fifty-four people had lost their lives, over 7,000 people had been arrested, and hundreds of millions of dollars worth of property had been destroyed.
On the night of March 2, 1991, Rodney Glen King watched a basketball game and drank forty-ounce bottles of Olde English 800 at a friend's home in suburban Los Angeles. After the game, King proposed a trip--possibly to pick up some girls. King and two friends, "Pooh" Allen and Freddie Helms, took off driving west down the 210 freeway.
At 12:30 A.M., a husband-and-wife team of the California Highway Patrol, Tim and Melanie Singer, spotted King's Hyundai behind them driving at a very high speed. The Singers exited at the Sunland Boulevard off ramp and returned to the freeway to chase the speeding car at speeds of up to 117 miles per hour. King ignored the flashing lights and sped off an exit ramp. He ran a red light, nearly causing an accident, before finally coming to a stop near the entrance to Hansen Dam Park, at the intersection of Osborne Street and Foothill Boulevard. Within seconds, three Los Angeles police cars and a police helicopter arrived at the scene. Officers Laurence Powell and Timothy Wind were in one car. Theodore Briseno and Rolando Solano were in the second car, and Sergeant Stacey Koon in the third.
Tim Singer ordered the occupants of the Hyundai to leave the vehicle and lie face down on the ground. Allen and Helms complied, but King remained in the car. Melanie Singer again shouted at King to get out, which he did.
http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/lapd/kingchronology.html
The LAPD Officers' Trials: A Chronology
March 3, 1991 About 12:30 A.M., King's Hyundai is spotted speeding on the 210 freeway by two California Highway Patrol officers, Tim and Melanie Singer. The CHP officers pursue King at speeds of over 110 mph. King's vehicle is finally cut off about fifteen minutes later. As the Singers, with guns drawn, attempt to arrest King, Sgt. Stacey Koon and three other LAPD officers (Laurence Powell, Theodore Briseno, and Timothy Wind) intervene. From his nearby apartment, George Holliday videotapes the scene, as three officers strike King over fifty times with metal batons before finally handcuffing him. King is taken to a hospital by ambulance.
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0073636/releaseinfo
IMDb
Rooster Cogburn (1975)
Release Info
USA 17 October 1975 (New York City, New York)
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0073636/fullcredits
IMDb
Rooster Cogburn (1975)
Full Cast & Crew
John Wayne ... Rooster Cogburn
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0069834/releaseinfo
IMDb
Cahill U.S. Marshal (1973)
Release Info
USA 11 July 1973
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0069834/fullcredits
IMDb
Cahill U.S. Marshal (1973)
Full Cast & Crew
John Wayne ... J.D. Cahill
1994 television miniseries "The Stand" Disc 2 DVD video:
00:56:03
Larry Underwood: We got a message for your little tin god.
Barry Dorgan: Tin god? Tin god. Man, that's funny. I spent twenty two years on the Santa Monica P.D., and I know what happens when guys like you end up running the show. We haven't got a single addict in Vegas. Can your people say the same?
Glen Bateman: Mr. Dorgan, even a man of your apparently limited intelligence should be able to see that your experiences with a few battered babies and drug abusers doesn't justify your embrace of a monster.
Barry Dorgan: [ backhand slaps Glen Batemen knocking him to the ground ]
Larry Underwood: Oh, that's great. Very good. You get the Rodney King Humanitarian Award for the day, pal
10800_DSC02327.jpg
10800_DSC02328.jpg
http://articles.latimes.com/1991-03-07/news/mn-3253_1_police-officers
Los Angeles Times
Beating Victim Says He Obeyed Police : Law enforcement: He is freed from jail. D.A. files no charges against him.
March 07, 1991 TRACY WOOD and FAYE FIORE TIMES STAFF WRITERS
Rodney Glen King, his face battered and one eye swollen half-shut, gave his version Wednesday of a beating he took at the hands of Los Angeles police officers, insisting he obeyed their commands and did nothing to provoke their ferocious attack.
"I was scared, I was scared for my life. So I laid down real calmly and took it like a man," King, clad in a blue hospital smock, said from a wheelchair at County Jail hours before his release Wednesday night, more than three days after the attack.
A 25-year-old unemployed construction worker, King was freed after the district attorney's office announced there was not enough evidence to file criminal charges at this time.
Meanwhile, eyewitnesses continued to come forward with testimony that flatly contradicts what the officers involved contend was an effort to arrest a man who was combative and attempting to escape.
King was wheeled out of the Men's Central Jail severely bruised and in a leg cast, but waving and smiling to a crowd of reporters at 8 p.m. He had been in custody since shortly after the Sunday morning incident that was captured by an amateur photographer on videotape and subsequently sparked public outrage over the tactics of the Los Angeles Police Department.
Mayor Tom Bradley on Wednesday, in unusually strong terms, vowed that "justice will be meted out to those who deserve punishment." And he called for a broad investigation into what he termed a disturbing pattern of local police abuse, particularly against minorities.
"I am as shocked and as outraged as anyone," the mayor, himself a former police officer, said at a news conference. "This is something which we cannot and will not tolerate. . . .
"I assure you that every appropriate action will be taken by the Police Department and the Police Commission."
The mayor alluded to the alleged harassment of former professional athletes Joe Morgan, who recently won a $540,000 jury verdict against the city for the actions of an LAPD narcotics officer, and Jamaal Wilkes. The department has also been roundly criticized for its handling of the so-called 39th and Dalton case, in which four officers allegedly helped destroy property in several apartments.
The mayor said several officers who took part in King's beating have been relieved from field duty pending investigation of what appears to be a fierce attack of kicking, clubbing and shots from a stun gun delivered to a man who was lying on the ground, seemingly defenseless.
The Police Department, besieged by public criticism, shut down the release of any information about the attack and declined to say how many officers were put on restricted duty, or even how many were involved.
The videotape revealed that as many as a dozen officers surrounded King and at least three took part in the clubbing, while others stood by and watched.
"They are now working either at a desk or are on vacation," Bradley said of the officers. "They are on other assignments. They are not going to be working the streets and dealing with the public."
Police Chief Daryl F. Gates has ordered an expedited departmental investigation of the beating, which has fallen under intense criticism as the stunning tape continues to be played over and over by television networks across the country.
The mayor's office and the American Civil Liberties Union have been swamped with calls from people revolted by what they saw.
The Police Department contends that King was resisting arrest after a car chase they say hit speeds of up to 115 m.p.h. But prosecutors say police, so far, have failed to prove their case.
The officers who clubbed and kicked King on Sunday failed to interview available witnesses--including two passengers in King's car--or to conduct a thorough investigation to support their claims that King was combative and evading them, the district attorney's office said.
"We have sent the case back (to police) for further investigation," Deputy Dist. Atty. Don Eastman said. "There are a lot of things we want to look at and a lot of witnesses who were not interviewed."
Prosecutors did not rule out charges being filed against King in the future, alleging that he may have been drunk at the time. No chemical tests were conducted after his arrest because he was in need of immediate medical attention for his injuries, including severe bruises, blows that disfigured one side of his face and, according to his wife, a broken leg.
"It is not a rejection (of the case) forever, or an indication that we are going to file," said Roger Gunson, head of the district attorney's Special Investigations Division.
Meanwhile, accounts from the California Highway Patrol suggested that what should have been a relatively simple arrest at 12:30 a.m. Sunday morning escalated wildly out of control.
http://articles.latimes.com/1991-03-07/news/mn-3253_1_police-officers/2
Los Angeles Times
(Page 2 of 3)
Beating Victim Says He Obeyed Police : Law enforcement: He is freed from jail. D.A. files no charges against him.
March 07, 1991 TRACY WOOD and FAYE FIORE TIMES STAFF WRITERS
The pursuit of King's white 1988 Hyundai was initiated by CHP officers, who estimated that King's car was hitting speeds as high as 115 m.p.h. on the westbound Foothill Freeway. The CHP said they called for assistance and had pulled King over in Lake View Terrace in the San Fernando Valley when several LAPD officers "jumped into the mess," said a law enforcement source familiar with the report CHP officers filed with their supervisors.
When the sedan finally stopped in the 11700 block of Foothill Boulevard, King was ordered out of the car via a loudspeaker and he "appeared to be acting funny, but not violent--laughing and pointing up to the LAPD helicopter that was there."
The source said that a police sergeant told the CHP that his officers would handle things. Witnesses said King was already lying on the ground when a police officer shot him with a stun gun, delivering an electrical shock of 50,000 volts. Officers then clubbed him wildly. There was a brief lull and King lay silent until one officer stomped on his head.
One of the CHP officers at the scene exhorted the police officers to stop the beating but was told, in effect, to "stay out of it," according to the source.
"Basically, they beat the guy half to death," the source said.
King was later hogtied, with handcuffs around his wrists and ankles, then taken away in an ambulance.
As King talked about the beating Wednesday, his speech was slurred and repetitive. He seemed dazed. And his account of what led to the attack differed considerably from that offered by police.
"There was no chase," King contended, insisting that he was doing 45 m.p.h. in a 35-m.p.h. zone.
After he pulled his car to a stop, King said he was told to put his hands in full view and that he complied. Police told him to get out of the car and lie down, and King said he did.
"They shocked me . . . they paused for a minute and then they struck me across the face real hard with a billy club," King said, his face lopsided with swelling and a fresh scar on his right cheek. He lifted his hospital garb to show other marks, a large bruise on his chest, a fading one on his arm, part of his right leg in a cast.
"My ankles. They beat where it hurt in my ankles, they beat my whole body where it hurt. . . . It hurts real bad."
King, who stands 6-foot-3 and weighs 225 pounds, said he did not resist police.
"No, no, no. I wouldn't strike back," King said. "I don't think no one would strike back against four or five guns aimed at him."
King's attorney, Robert Rentzer, said some of King's teeth were knocked out. A doctor who treated him said King took at least 20 stitches, five of them in the mouth, and had so many cuts that he required antibiotics to prevent infection.
"He looked like he was run over by a freight train," Rentzer remarked. "He is in pain and has some problems with his memory. The word terrible doesn't describe how he looks."
The investigation into the alleged police brutality moved steadily forward Wednesday.
John R. Dunne, assistant U.S. attorney general for civil rights, said the Justice Department is conducting a parallel inquiry to ensure that local authorities do a proper job.
The violent images of white police officers pounding an apparently defenseless black man have raised the ire of civil rights groups from the ACLU to the National Assn. for the Advancement of Colored People, and has brought one more embarrassing controversy to a Police Department recently saddled with plenty.
Former Laker Jamaal Wilkes alleges the LAPD detained him because of the color of his skin last December when he was pulled over and handcuffed by two officers.
Disclosure of Wilkes' complaint came on the heels of the federal jury award of $540,000 to former major league baseball player Joe Morgan, who alleged in a lawsuit that he was illegally detained and roughed up in 1988 by a Los Angeles police officer who had mistaken the Hall of Famer for a drug runner. Morgan was grabbed by the neck at Los Angeles International Airport, thrown to the floor and handcuffed before a crowd of onlookers.
In recent months, Bradley has moved to strengthen the civilian Police Commission that oversees the department, but lost two veteran members through resignations this week.
While Gates called the beating an aberration, Bradley said it points to a breakdown in leadership that begins with the chief himself.
"The supervision does, in fact, flow from the top of the department down--through his orders and instructions, through his training," the mayor said. "All of that is connected. We want to see where there was a breakdown, a departure from established orders and procedures in this case."
Neither Gates nor any other police official would comment on the King case, pending the outcome of the department's internal investigation.
http://articles.latimes.com/1991-03-07/news/mn-3253_1_police-officers/3
Los Angeles Times
(Page 3 of 3)
Beating Victim Says He Obeyed Police : Law enforcement: He is freed from jail. D.A. files no charges against him.
March 07, 1991 TRACY WOOD and FAYE FIORE TIMES STAFF WRITERS
Police contend King fought their attempts to restrain them. But the videotape made by amateur photographer George Holliday from the second-floor balcony of his nearby apartment--along with more than a dozen eyewitness accounts--have called into question the police officers' version.
Josie Morales, who was asleep in her apartment when she heard Sunday night's commotion, said about 10 police officers formed an irregular circle around the prone King. She said she saw an officer shoot him with the stun gun and then begin clubbing him. King tried to get up when two more officers struck him with batons.
"He didn't touch anybody. He got up and ran blindly, but not running at anyone, just trying to get away," Morales said. "We thought maybe they'd stopped him for guns or drugs or even murder. . . . There was nothing that the guy did that could warrant that kind of beating. . . ."
King, 25, from Altadena, has been working as a maintenance man at Dodger Stadium but was to start a construction job on Monday, the day after the incident with police.
He was released from prison in December after serving a year for second-degree robbery. A parole supervisor speculated that he might not have stopped because he feared a speeding ticket would jeopardize his parole. But King said he pulled over as soon as he saw the red lights.
"I may have been speeding just a little bit," he said Wednesday.
King's attorneys said they were preparing to file a civil rights suit against the LAPD.
"But for the tape I'm not sure justice would have been done," Rentzer said. "We don't know what the full extent of Mr. King's injuries are . . . it could be worth millions of dollars."
But King's family emphasized through their lawyers that their case would not be about racism.
"They are not looking to turn this into a racial crusade," Rentzer said. "His rights were totally violated (but) it's his rights, not the rights of a race or creed or a religion that's at issue here. It's the rights of a human being."
https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/the-month-that-et-came-to-dc/2012/07/20/gJQAZp2ayW_story.html
The Washington Post
The month that E.T. came to D.C.
By John Kelly Columnist July 20, 2012
This month marks the 60th anniversary of the Great Alien Invasion of 1952 or, as it might more appropriately be called, the Great Alien Reconnaissance of 1952. The UFOs allegedly just flew around; no one saw them land.
But were they aliens? This much is undisputed: Late on the evening of July 19, 1952, air traffic controllers at Washington National Airport spotted a curious cluster of seven blips on their radar screens. Similar blips were sighted by radar operators at Andrews and Bolling Air Force bases.
National’s control tower contacted commercial aircraft in the vicinity and asked their pilots if they had seen anything unusual. Why yes, Capt. S.C. “Casey” Pierman of Capital Air Flight 807 radioed back. He saw six bright lights streaking across the sky, “like falling stars without tails.”
F-94 jets were scrambled from Delaware’s New Castle Air Force Base (the runway at Andrews was under repair), but the pilots saw nothing.
The Pentagon was already studying the escalating number of UFO sightings — under the aegis of Project Blue Book — and the officer in charge added the Washington outbreak to his growing list. Then, the next weekend, it happened all over again. National Airport’s air traffic controllers tracked a dozen unexplained blips. Fighter jets were again scrambled, and on their second circuit, pilots saw bright lights speeding away from them.
“I tried to make contact with the bogies below 1,000 feet,” pilot William Patterson later told investigators. “I was at my maximum speed but .?.?. I ceased chasing them because I saw no chance of overtaking them.”
The media had a field day. A headline on the front page of The Washington Post read: “?‘Saucer’ Outran Jet, Pilot Says; Air Force Puts Lid on Inquiry.”
After the earlier outbreak, a reporter for the Washington Daily News had written: “Recent attempts to explain ‘saucers’ as optical illusions have been shaken by recent radar sightings. Illusions don’t show up on a radar screen.”
Illusions don’t, but temperature inversions do. A temperature inversion occurs when a layer of cold air is trapped under a layer of warm air. It’s most common in extremely hot weather of the sort that Washington was enduring 60 summers ago. The warm air can create a ceiling that causes radar beams to bounce down. Objects on the ground — moving cars, a row of telephone poles — can appear to be thousands of feet in the air. An Air Force officer ascribed the sightings to this phenomenon.
But what of the lights? A layer of moisture in the atmosphere could have caused reflections.
“It’s very much like when you’re riding down the highway and it’s very hot out and you see a mirage on the highway,” said Bruce Press of National Capital Area Skeptics, a group that debunks UFOs, ghosts and the like. “As you drive towards it it doesn’t get any closer, so you assume that because it doesn’t get any closer it’s moving away from you at the same speed you’re driving.”
UFOlogists discount these explanations. Experienced pilots saw the lights, said Robert Swiatek of the Mutual UFO Network, and National’s radar operators felt that “the anomalous signals were good, solid targets, as though they were being reflected from the surface of metallic aircraft.”
While there certainly are more things in heaven and earth than are dreamt of in Answer Man’s philosophy, he must side with the skeptics in what became known as the “Washington Flap.” Even before that hot July, the papers were full of stories about UFOs. They were a staple of science-fiction movies in an America fearful of a Soviet invasion.
Humans make sense of the world by building narratives. A random but humdrum collection of events — temperature inversions and, yes, weather balloons — is somehow not as satisfying as a flying saucer.
http://community.seattletimes.nwsource.com/archive/?date=20060505&slug=webcia05
The Seattle Times
Friday, May 5, 2006
CIA chief Porter Goss resigns
By Jennifer Loven
The Associated Press
WASHINGTON – CIA Director Porter Goss resigned unexpectedly today, leaving behind a spy agency still battling to recover from the scars of intelligence failures
http://www.tv.com/shows/the-life-and-legend-of-wyatt-earp/wyatt-earp-becomes-a-marshal-128344/
tv.com
The Life and Legend of Wyatt Earp Season 1 Episode 1
Wyatt Earp Becomes A Marshal
Aired Tuesday 8:00 PM Sep 06, 1955 on ABC
AIRED: 9/6/55
From 9/6/1955 ( premiere US TV series "The Life and Legend of Wyatt Earp"::series premiere episode "Wyatt Earp Becomes a Marshal" ) To 5/5/2006 is 18504 days
18504 = 9252 + 9252
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 3/3/1991 ( the Rodney King incident ) is 9252 days
From 11/1/1964 ( Lyndon Johnson - Letter to the Attorney General in Response to a Report on Crime and Law Enforcement ) To 5/4/2005 ( the incident at the police department City of Kent Washington State after my voluntary approach to report material criminal activity directed against my person and I am secretly drugged against my consent ) is 14794 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 5/5/2006 is 14794 days
From 7/19/1952 ( the UFO incident in Washington DC ) To 1/19/1993 ( in Asheville North Carolina as United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess I was seriously wounded by gunfire when I returned fatal gunfire to a fugitive from United States federal justice who was another criminal sent by Bill Gates-Nazi-Microsoft-George Bush the cowardly violent criminal in another attempt to kill me the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) is 14794 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 5/5/2006 is 14794 days
From 9/18/1951 ( premiere US film "The Day the Earth Stood Still" ) To 3/20/1992 ( George Bush - Executive Order 12793 - Continuing the Presidential Service Certificate and the Presidential Service Badge ) is 14794 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 5/5/2006 is 14794 days
From 1/2/1990 ( General of the Armies of the United States and United States Navy Fleet Admiral Thomas Reagan my biological brother walked into the office of George Herbert Walker Bush and after giving him adequate direct verbal warning to defend himself General of the Armies of the United States Thomas Reagan used his fist to physically hit George Bush in the face with enough physical force to leave George Bush unconscious on the floor of his office because George Bush has murdered United States Navy SEALs in Panama and because George Bush is a cowardly violent criminal and because George Bush is an active severely treasonous agent of the Soviet Union and Communist China violently against the United States of America ) To 5/5/2006 is 5967 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 3/5/1982 ( John Belushi dead ) is 5967 days
From 1/30/1948 ( Harry Truman - Statement by the President on the Assassination of Mohandas K. Gandhi ) To 5/5/2006 is 21280 days
21280 = 10640 + 10640
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 12/20/1994 ( in Bosnia as Kerry Wayne Burgess the United States Marine Corps captain this day is my United States Navy Cross medal date of record ) is 10640 days
From 6/16/1980 ( premiere US film "The Blues Brothers" ) To 5/5/2006 is 9454 days
9454 = 4727 + 4727
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 10/12/1978 ( Jimmy Cater - Statement on Signing H.R. 8588 the Inspector General Act of 1978 Into Law ) is 4727 days
From 12/15/1939 ( premiere US film "Gone with the Wind" ) To 6/16/1980 ( premiere US film "The Blues Brothers" ) is 14794 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 5/5/2006 is 14794 days
From 7/16/1963 ( Phoebe Cates the United States Army veteran and the Harvard University graduate medical doctor and the world-famous actress and the wife of my biological brother Thomas Reagan ) To 1/16/2004 ( George Bush - Proclamation 7753 - Religious Freedom Day, 2004 ) is 14794 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 5/5/2006 is 14794 days
From 11/5/1951 ( Harry Truman - Remarks to Members of the Defense Advisory Committee on Women in the Services ) To 5/7/1992 ( the first launch of the US space shuttle Endeavour orbiter vehicle mission STS-49 includes me Kerry Wayne Burgess the United States Marine Corps officer and United States STS-49 pilot astronaut ) is 14794 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 5/5/2006 is 14794 days
From 9/11/1921 ( Prince Louis of Battenberg deceased ) To 9/14/2002 ( at Overlake hospital in Bellevue Washington State the announced birth of Phoebe Gates the daughter of Microsoft Bill Gates the transvestite and Microsoft Bill Gates the 100% female gender as born to brother-sister sibling parents and Microsoft Bill Gates the Soviet Union prostitute ) is 29588 days
29588 = 14794 + 14794
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 5/5/2006 is 14794 days
From 6/27/2005 ( the Seattle Municipal Court Homeless Veteran’s Court & the Patty Murray press conference at the Puget Sound Veterans Affairs Health Care System hospital & I was discharged from the Puget Sound Veterans Affairs hospital mental health unit ) To 5/5/2006 is 312 days
312 = 156 + 156
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 4/7/1966 ( the United States finally recovers the hydrogen bomb lost in the Palomares Spain incident ) is 156 days
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=72889
The American Presidency Project
George W. Bush
XLIII President of the United States: 2001 - 2009
Remarks Announcing the Resignation of Porter J. Goss as Director of the Central Intelligence Agency
May 5, 2006
The President. This morning Director Porter Goss offered his resignation as the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency. I've accepted it.
During the course of his tenure, I've established a very close personal relationship with Porter, which is very important for the Director of the CIA. He's spent a lot of time here in the Oval Office. He's told me—he's given me his candid advice. I appreciate his integrity. I appreciate the honor in which—that he brought to the job.
Porter's tenure at the CIA was one of transition. He's helped this Agency become integrated into the intelligence community, and that was a tough job. And he's led ably. He's got a 5-year plan to increase the number of analysts and operatives, which is going to help make this country a safer place and help us win the war on terror. He's instilled a sense of professionalism. He honors the proud history of the CIA, an organization that is known for its secrecy in accountability. I am confident that his successor will continue the reforms that he's put in place, and as a result, this country will be more secure.
We've got to win the war on terror, and the Central Intelligence Agency is a vital part of that war. And so I want to thank you for your service.
[At this point, Director Goss made brief remarks.]
The President. God bless. Thank you. I appreciate you. Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at 1:44 p.m. in the Oval Office at the White House.
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0043456/releaseinfo
IMDb
The Day the Earth Stood Still (1951)
Release Info
USA 18 September 1951 (New York City, New York)
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0043456/fullcredits
IMDb
The Day the Earth Stood Still (1951)
Full Cast & Crew
Michael Rennie ... Klaatu
http://community.seattletimes.nwsource.com/archive/?date=20060505&slug=webcia05
The Seattle Times
Friday, May 5, 2006
CIA chief Porter Goss resigns
By Jennifer Loven
The Associated Press
a spy agency still battling to recover from the scars
- posted by H.V.O.M - Kerry Wayne Burgess 2:00 PM Pacific Time Spokane Valley Washington USA Tuesday 13 September 2016
