JOURNAL ARCHIVE: - posted by H.V.O.M - Kerry Wayne Burgess 6:45 PM Pacific Time somewhere near Seattle Washington USA Friday 14 February 2014 - http://hvom.blogspot.com/2014/02/sleeper.html
The Alibi Squad.
[JOURNAL ARCHIVE 14 February 2014 excerpt ends]
2016_Nk20_DSCN3268.jpg
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt2071550/releaseinfo
IMDb
Open Grave (2013)
Release Info
USA 3 January 2014
JOURNAL ARCHIVE: - posted by H.V.O.M - Kerry Wayne Burgess 6:53 PM Pacific Time Spokane Valley Washington USA Friday 04 December 2015 - http://hvom.blogspot.com/2015/12/first-federal.html
First Federal
What this always reminds me of is what I have written here in the open before about the life I remember in Greenville South Carolina back in early 1990s.
I decided to write this note now because of my theory about the divergence point of the memories stored physically in my human brain.
At first I was thinking for a while that the divergent point was July 1989. And while that hypothetical experience was a theoretical divergence point I began to believe that the point I need to focus on in the sort of peripheral vision into the memory accessible to my mind is June 2005.
I now believe that I was fully aware before 13 June 2005.
But then when they secretly drugged me then that caused me to lose conscious awareness of certain details.
Because I cannot consciously recall certain key details then the memories I want access to have sort of become invisible to my conscious awareness.
My theory is that if I concentrate on those very old memories of the 1990s then maybe that will strengthen other old memory that is not available currently to my conscious mind.
What I am thinking about now is trying to narrow down the calendar timeframe of a memory from the early 1990s.
Jim Shea was sleeping on my couch for a couple days because his apartment had caught fire from a fire in an adjoining unit. His wife and kids went to stay elsewhere. We both worked at First Federal employed by one of their contactors.
So I guess that was the first half of the year 1991.
I can recall at one point going into my computer room and calling Bobbilyn on the telephone. Jim had brought over his game console and had it hooked up to my Mitsubishi television.
He had also brought over a bottle of Dickel that I had commandeered. He complained later that I had drank all of the bottle.
I remember I was intensely depressed.
So I guess that was just after winter in the year 1991. I remember what Bobbilynn said to me on the phone.
[JOURNAL ARCHIVE 04 December 2015 excerpt ends]
http://www.tv.com/shows/the-last-ship/sea-change-3399277/
tv.com
The Last Ship Season 3 Episode 8
Sea Change
Aired Sunday 9:00 PM Jul 31, 2016 on TNT
AIRED: 7/31/16
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/view_episode_scripts.php?tv-show=the-last-ship-2014&episode=s03e08
Springfield! Springfield!
The Last Ship
Sea Change
[Dramatic music] [Generic theme] 3x08 Sea change Obviously, Jeffrey Michener's are big shoes to fill, but Howard Oliver is beloved here in St.
Louis, where, as Mayor, he oversaw the most effective quarantine in the country, saving over 100,000 people during the plague.
[TV turns off] It wasn't the first time.
http://articles.latimes.com/1990-10-30/news/wr-3437_1_civil-war
Los Angeles Times
Profile : Croatia's 'Raving Nationalist' Now Seeks to Contain the Flames : The president of the Yugoslavian republic may hold the key to preserving the democracy he sparked and to averting civil war with neighboring Serbia.
October 30, 1990 CAROL J. WILLIAMS TIMES STAFF WRITER
ZAGREB, Yugoslavia — Like the arsonist turned firefighter, Croatian President Franjo Tudjman has set for himself the task of beating back the nationalist fires he stoked to win his republic's first multi-party election since World War II.
And whether the historically antagonistic Serbs and Croats: now the two most populous of Yugoslavia's half-dozen principal ethnic groups go to war for a fourth time this century may rest on whether Tudjman succeeds.
Opponents accuse Tudjman of mimicking Serbian strongman Slobodan Milosevic in fueling national passions to such an extreme as to risk a civil war.
But Tudjman, a retired army general and the essence of military discipline, appears to have a healthy wariness of the nationalist fever that threatens Croatian democracy as well as Yugoslav peace.
At a recent public rally in the republican capital of Zagreb, called to rehabilitate a 19th-Century Croatian hero nudged to obscurity by postwar Communists, Tudjman appealed to a flag-waving, mostly young crowd numbering in the tens of thousands to be cautious.
Tudjman drew wild cheers from the crowd when, in a reference to what is perceived here as Serbian provocation, he vowed: "We will never capitulate to the forces against democracy." But he also warned against hotheadedness in a tense standoff with Serbs living in Croatia, explaining that world public opinion will crush the state that fires the first shot in an ethnic war.
"He knows the long-term costs of a short-term indulgence," a Western diplomat observed of Tudjman. The same official had six months earlier described the Croatian leader as "a raving nationalist."
The diplomat is just one of the foreign observers in Zagreb who say they have changed their views of Tudjman, whose 68 years have traced the erratic path of modern Croatian history.
A committed Communist partisan under Marshal Josip Broz Tito during World War II, Tudjman rose to the rank of general in the postwar power structure before becoming disillusioned with one-party government in the 1960s.
He turned to academia, earning a doctorate in history, and wrote books until his activities with a pro-democracy group called Maspok drew the ire of Tito's Communists.
In 1967, he was stripped of all his posts and expelled from the Communist Party. He was imprisoned twice for spreading "hostile propaganda," in 1972-74 and in 1981.
The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe last year inspired him to form the Croatian Democratic Union, the party he led to victory over the incumbent Communists last spring.
Among other moves, the married father of three grown children quickly lifted restraints on religious worship, which added to the adoration shown him by Croatia's devoutly Roman Catholic population.
In an interview at his presidential office in Zagreb's Old Town, Tudjman played down the significance of nationalist outbursts in Croatia and claimed that Serbs in his republic have nothing to fear should Croatia gain the independence it seeks.
Said Tudjman: "The task is to create normal conditions for Serbs and Croats in Croatia," where about 12% of the republic's 5 million people are Serbian. "We will do our utmost to see this is done."
However, Tudjman claimed, under the old system Croatians have often been discriminated against in their own republic. He cited a major factory employing 1,000 people of which only 12 are Croats. He also contended that the republic's police forces are still predominantly Serbian.
"We are not at all after any kind of discrimination against Serbs," the president insisted. But he charged that "it is unnatural" for Serbs to hold down three to six times the percentage of top posts as they represent in the republic's population.
Overlaying the ethnic conflict, which dates to when Serbs and Croats were the respective front lines of the Ottoman Turkish and Austro-Hungarian empires, is the recently developed rift in political orientation as Yugoslavia gradually submits to multi-party democracy.
Serbia and the Yugoslav federal government, both headquartered in Belgrade, remain under monopoly Communist rule, while Croatia and Slovenia have held free elections this year.
Milosevic, head of Serbia's Communist Party, has sought to hold on to his absolute power by using it to reassert Serbian control over Albanians in the province of Kosovo and to demand autonomy for Serbian communities within Croatia.
Slovenia and Croatia have responded to Milosevic's flexing of the Serbian muscle by declaring their intention to break away from a Yugoslav federation that Serbs have always dominated.
Tudjman rode to victory in last spring's election by promising an end to federal control over Croatia, stirring up nationalist sentiment in the republic to a level unknown since the fanatical Ustasha regime that set up a fascist puppet state in 1941.
http://articles.latimes.com/1990-10-30/news/wr-3437_1_civil-war/2
Los Angeles Times
(Page 2 of 2)
Profile : Croatia's 'Raving Nationalist' Now Seeks to Contain the Flames : The president of the Yugoslavian republic may hold the key to preserving the democracy he sparked and to averting civil war with neighboring Serbia.
October 30, 1990 CAROL J. WILLIAMS TIMES STAFF WRITER
The national flag of Croatia--a red checkerboard shield on a white stripe flanked by red and blue--flutters from apartment balconies, factories and farmhouses throughout the republic. Radical youths calling themselves the "Bad Blue Boys" have banded together as a fan club for the Dynamo Zagreb soccer team, leading nationalist marches that have several times ended in violence and vandalism.
Prewar hunting and sports clubs with strongly nationalist themes have also been reconstituted since Tudjman took power--clubs that some worry could grow into paramilitary forces to serve at the leader's beck and call.
"The general," as Tudjman is referred to by his staff, warned in mid-October that he would call Croatians to rise up in arms against intruders if Belgrade follows through on threats to use the federal army to settle a Serbo-Croatian conflict around the town of Knin.
Serbs in Knin and other Croatian towns along what was once the frontier between Turkey and Austria have blown up railroad tracks and barricaded roadways in what they depict as a self-defensive effort to disrupt communications in the republic.
The Serbian minority claims to have intercepted shipments of arms destined for coastal military posts. And they also objected to the arrival of thousands of Croats from the coastal region to Zagreb for a nationalist rally.
Tudjman contended that the disturbances are orchestrated by Communists who want to send in federal troops to topple Croatia's new democracy.
"Croatia simply won't allow any regression into a Stalinist system or hegemonistic tyranny," Tudjman said in explaining the recent wave of nationalist rallies. "But Croatians have as many unhappy memories of the past as the rest of the country."
Tudjman's parents were jailed by the fascists, and his aides say the repression he suffered under the Communists impressed on him a sense of duty to protect the democratic values his people voted for.
"He is a man of several personalities, at times rigid like a typical British general, but part of him is very soft. He is a mixture of tolerance and rigidity," said Slaven Letica, one of Tudjman's closest advisers.
Others describe him as occasionally stubborn and unwilling to take the advice of those around him.
Tudjman has repeatedly promised not to resort to violence in the Serbo-Croatian conflict unless such means are employed against him. But he is also reputed to be a man who would never blink first in a showdown.
Biography
Name: Franjo Tudman
Title: President of Yugoslavia's republic of Croatia.
Age: 68
Political Career: The retired army general was a Communist in World War II. He rose to the rank of general in the postwar era. He became disillusioned with one-party government in the 1960s and was stripped of all Communist posts in 1967 because of pro-democracy activities. Formed the Croatian Democratic Union, the party which defeated the Communists last spring.
Quote: "Croatia simply won't allow any regression into a Stalinist system or hegemonistic tyranny. But Croatians have as many unhappy memories of the past as the rest of the country."
http://articles.latimes.com/1990-11-04/news/mn-5645_1_yugoslav-killing-fields
Los Angeles Times
Yugoslav Killing Fields: A Grisly Secret Comes Out : Atrocity: Communists executed thousands after the war. Those who revealed it hope the message is heard.
November 04, 1990 CAROL J. WILLIAMS TIMES STAFF WRITER
SOSICE, Yugoslavia — The war was over, but for weeks shots resounded from a rocky knoll above the garden that Jela Smiciklas tended in the desperate poverty of vanquished Croatia in 1945.
Each day, thousands of wounded soldiers and Nazi collaborators, packed into truck beds like livestock, passed her field en route to the remote hilltop. A few minutes later the trucks rumbled back, empty but for a few bundles of clothes. Day and night the wooded hills reverberated with screams.
"Where the trucks stopped, there were pictures and mementos on the ground. It seemed to be there that they realized what was going to happen to them," recalled 80-year-old Smiciklas, still living a stone's throw from the hilltop cavern known as Jazovka.
"It was too horrible," she said, covering her face with calloused hands. "After 14 days, I couldn't go to the field anymore."
For 45 years, the residents of this tiny village were frightened into silence about the Communist atrocity committed in the hills above their homes.
Now, roused by democracy's demand for a fresh accounting of the past, the ghosts of Sosice have risen to haunt Yugoslavia.
Disclosure of the hilltop mass grave has confronted those who lived through the last war with a shocking reminder of the human costs of indulging nationalist zeal.
Those who brought the atrocity to public light hoped to warn younger generations of the danger they court by fanning the ethnic fires that again threaten to consume Yugoslavia. But many fear that the disclosure has reopened old wounds unlikely to heal in the current atmosphere of hostility between Serbs and Croats.
The underground cavern in Sosice's hills where the victims were dumped like so much refuse lies more than 100 feet below the surface. Jazovka, which means "badger's hole," is said to contain the remains of as many as 40,000 people.
The victims were mainly Ustashas, the fanatical, SS-like Croatian nationalists who sided with the Germans. They are believed to have killed hundreds of thousands of Serbs, Jews and Gypsies during the ethnic fratricide that raged in concert with World War II.
When the war was over, the victorious Communists settled the score. But for fear of arrest during the last four decades of Communist dictatorship, no one here dared mention the killings outside family and trusted friends.
A conscripted driver's heavy conscience and the reassessment of history prompted by a turn toward democracy brought disclosure of the secret of Sosice this year.
Only weeks after Croatia ended Communist rule in multi-party elections last spring, Branko Mulic, a 79-year-old former partisan, told of collecting captured Ustashas from hospitals and prisons and driving them deep into the Zumberak hills to Sosice, about 40 miles west of Zagreb.
At Sosice, an area controlled by the Ustashas until the last days of the war, the captives were forced at gunpoint to climb the hillside and kneel at the cavern opening, where they received a bullet to the back of the head. Later, when ammunition ran short, the partisans resorted to blows with a sledgehammer.
Smiciklas and other villagers say that at the end there were hardly any gunshots, but the screaming intensified.
"We were disturbed by the discovery, but many people here are actually relieved that what happened has finally come out in the open," said Nikola Hranilovic, administrator for this village of 300.
"We've always known about the pit. I learned about it in elementary school from an old woman," he said. "It was always very confusing for me because we were taught that the partisans were the army of the people. Everyone knew what they had done here, but it was all kept quiet."
In villages like Sosice, nearly everyone was involved in the orgy of violence that pitted Yugoslav against Yugoslav over race, religion or politics. Many here still refuse to talk about the past.
Smiciklas' husband was a soldier in the prewar Domobranci force that served the Ustashas in the fight against communism. The Roman Catholic mother of six said villagers kept the atrocity at Sosice secret out of fear of further reprisals.
"Until a few months ago, nobody dared talk about it," she said. "Anyone who said something against the Communist authorities could disappear overnight."
Hido Biscevic, the respected editor of Vjesnik, Zagreb's main daily newspaper, noted that authorities in the republic and federal government also had to have known of the Sosice killings. "That several hundred people in Zagreb probably knew about this for 45 years is very disturbing," Biscevic said. "And the village is only 300 meters from the pit. I don't understand the psychological machinery that kept it secret for 45 years."
Since the Jazovka pit's existence was disclosed, relatives of the victims have come by the hundreds, marking the grave with a giant wooden cross and draping it with wreaths, rosaries and the Croatian national colors.
http://articles.latimes.com/1990-11-04/news/mn-5645_1_yugoslav-killing-fields/2
Los Angeles Times
(Page 2 of 2)
Yugoslav Killing Fields: A Grisly Secret Comes Out : Atrocity: Communists executed thousands after the war. Those who revealed it hope the message is heard.
November 04, 1990 CAROL J. WILLIAMS TIMES STAFF WRITER
Croatian editors said they published reports on the wartime tragedy at Sosice in the hopes that it would wake up readers to the risks of succumbing to the centuries-old conflict between Serbs and Croats.
Although Ustashas and the Serbian royalist Chetniks both fought against Communist partisans during World War II, the two rival ethnic groups also waged war on each other. It is the specter of that deadly conflict that continues to haunt many Yugoslavs today.
Despite the intent, reports on Jazovka appear to have inflamed ethnic passions and pushed Yugoslavia ever closer to civil war.
To counter the roused emotions in Croatia, state-controlled media in neighboring Serbia have resurrected photographs and other evidence of mass graves holding Serbs killed by the Ustashas.
Of the 1.7 million Yugoslavs who lost their lives during World War II, more than half are thought to have fallen victim to ethnic violence and revenge killings.
"This case has not been exploited in Croatia, but in Serbia," argued Mario Nobilo, aide and spokesman for Croatian President Franjo Tudjman. "They accuse Croats of being a genocidal nation."
Asked if the leadership sees a contemporary lesson in the Jazovka tragedy, Nobilo replied: "What we have insisted is that Croats forget the past and turn to the future."
Biscevic, editor of Vjesnik, said the Jazovka discovery has been exploited by politicians on both sides.
Rather than giving Yugoslavs pause to reflect on the price of extremism, Jazovka has resulted in "disgusting exchanges" over which wartime killings were justified, Biscevic said.
Jazovka is thought to be only one of numerous burial sites for those slain in retaliation for well-documented Ustasha atrocities.
Vecernji List, the Zagreb newspaper that first reported on the Jazovka grave in July, originally estimated that it contained the remains of about 6,000 people. Yet villagers reported daily arrivals of more than 1,000 people for four to six weeks after the war ended.
Hranilovic, the village leader, believes he has found a second cave at Sosice, which witnesses told him was sealed with concrete after being filled with execution victims. He demonstrates for visitors how the ground texture varies at a broad clearing in the forest.
Despite his conviction that Sosice's hills hold further evidence of Stalinist crime, Croatian officials have declined to order a search for the second cave or exhumation of the bones in Jazovka, Hranilovic said.
The Croatian journalist who first reported on Sosice's secret says that Zagreb authorities are avoiding a thorough probe.
"Now there is silence on this again," says Miroslav Ambrus-Kis of Vecernji List. "The fear is that there could be repercussions for some people in the leadership."
One minister in Croatia's new democratic leadership formerly commanded a concentration camp near Karlovac, according to Ambrus-Kis.
An alpinist and mountain rescue volunteer, Ambrus-Kis used spelunking gear to lower himself into Jazovka to examine the bones that have settled to form a gruesome carpet of unknown depth in the cave that is about 12 feet in diameter.
The pit's opening in wartime was nearly as wide as the cave, villagers said. The entrance narrowed because they threw dirt and lime into the hole to cover the stench of decay.
Contrary to Croatian government claims that women and children were summarily executed along with the wounded soldiers and captured officials, Ambrus-Kis said he saw only male skeletons in the human rubble.
"The condition of textiles was like a spider's web. When you touched it, it disappeared in your hand. There were belts and uniforms that could be recognized, but most of the victims were executed naked, because people needed the clothes," he said. "What I saw was a lot of wire, wrapped around wrists to tie their hands back."
If all Yugoslavs could see the cavern's grisly contents, Ambrus-Kis says, they might be cured of romantic notions of nationalist pride. But he said he fears the message of Sosice has been lost on most Croats, who for centuries were reared to be warriors for the Austro-Hungarian empire against rival Turkey, which controlled Serbia.
"In civilized countries, when the war ends, people put down their weapons," said Ambrus-Kis. "Here that wasn't the case. History has always told the Balkans that it is winner-take-all."
Carol Williams, The Times' bureau chief in Budapest, was recently on assignment in Yugoslavia.
http://articles.latimes.com/1990-11-13/news/wr-4526_1_key-test
Los Angeles Times
SARAJEVO : Test for Yugoslavia
November 13, 1990
Bosnia-Herzegovina is one of the more obscure of Yugoslavia's six federated republics, but multi-party elections to be held there Sunday are considered a key test of whether the country can survive as a single nation.
The republic has Yugoslavia's most volatile mix of nationalities and religions, with its 1.8 million Muslims, 1.7 million Orthodox Christian Serbs and about 400,000 Roman Catholic Croats forming a threshold between Communist Serbia and the new northern democracies of Slovenia and Croatia.
If Bosnia's Communists are ousted by a proposed Catholic-Muslim democratic alliance, it would be a severe setback for Serbia's hopes to retain Communist leadership over a united federation, and could even lead to ethnic clashes.
http://articles.latimes.com/1990-12-18/news/wr-6849_1_cold-war
Los Angeles Times
Special Report: Seeking a New World : 3. Pledging Allegiance to Ethnicity: Can the Nation-State Survive? : Now that the lid of the Cold War is off, many artificial 'melting pots' are boiling over.
December 18, 1990
PRISTINA, YUGOSLAVIA — It was a peaceable revolt. On a sultry Balkan summer day last July, 114 members of the provincial Parliament of Kosovo, enough to constitute a quorum, assembled in front of their offices in this shabby capital. Discovering they had been locked out of the building by higher-ranking authorities, the motley collection of farmers, peasants and local businessmen decided to vote in the open air.
The ballot was unanimous: Tiny Kosovo, a land-locked and desperately poor province in the southeast corner of Yugoslavia, declared its independence.
It was a case of one fragment breaking away from another fragment. Kosovo, with a population that is 90% ethnic Albanian, was rejecting domination by ethnic Serbs. They in turn are struggling against Yugoslavia's other major ethnic groups, the Croats and Slovenes. The divisions run so deep they could bring on civil war, but for members of Kosovo's Parliament, the overriding issue was not national unity but freedom to express their Albanian identity.
"The Albanians, being a small people, want to preserve the traditions they have," declared Ibrahim Rugova, a wiry, intense literary critic and leader of Kosovo's Democratic Alliance.
For the Record
Los Angeles Times Friday December 21, 1990 Home Edition Part A Page 3 Column 5 Metro Desk 2 inches; 57 words Type of Material: Correction
Serbia--In referring to the creation of the state of Yugoslavia in the aftermath of World War I, an article in the Dec. 18 edition of World Report failed to take note that before the war Serbia was an independent nation, neither part of the Ottoman Empire nor the Austro-Hungarian Empire. An accompanying map of the Balkans before the 1914-18 war also failed to reflect the existence of an independent Serbia.
At one level, Kosovo's action simply reflects the increasingly dangerous conflicts among rival nationalities in a Balkan state that did not even exist until 1918, when it was fashioned from the rubble of World War I by the victorious Allies.
At a deeper level, however, the vote in Pristina reflects powerful forces that are tearing at governmental institutions all around the world--forces that may redraw the map of nations, usher in decades of new instability and pose difficult and unfamiliar challenges to even the strongest powers.
From China to Czechoslovakia, from South Africa to the Soviet Union, political movements centered around ethnicity, national identity and religion are re-emerging to contest some of the most fundamental premises of modern statehood. In the process, they are reintroducing ancient sources of conflict so deeply submerged by the Cold War that they seemed almost to have vanished from history's equation.
Ten years ago, for example, Czechoslovakia was gripped by a struggle between liberal reformers and one of the most rigidly Stalinist governments in the Communist world. Today, the liberal reformers control Hradcany Castle, but ethnic tensions may split the country into two separate nations--and the reformers themselves are divided over what to do.
"The thought that ethnicities and nationalisms and all the other primordial loyalties would disappear as a result of modernization was premature," said Saad Eddin Ibrahim, a sociologist at the American University of Cairo, in assessing the post-Cold War era. "That was probably one of the big lessons of the 20th Century: Ideology is no substitute for interest or for geography. That's what we are rediscovering."
And the implications of this resurgence of national, ethnic and religious passions are profound:
* A host of modern nation-states are beginning to crumble because the concept of the "melting pot," the idea that diverse and even historically hostile peoples could readily be assimilated under larger political umbrellas in the name of modernization and progress, has failed them.
Even in the strongest nations, including the United States, the task of such assimilation has proved difficult and the prognosis is for even greater tension in the decades ahead.
* Turmoil in the Soviet Union and parts of China threaten to blow apart the last remnants of an imperial age that began more than 500 years ago. The turbulent dismantling of 19th Century European empires after World War II may be matched by new waves of disintegration within the Soviet and Chinese Communist empires, with incalculable consequences for the United States and other world powers.
Stretching from the Gulf of Finland to the mountains of Tibet and beyond, the sheer scale of the potential instability would tax the world's capacity to respond. Ethnic unrest could spill into neighboring countries, old border disputes could reignite and, if the central governments tried to impose order with force, civil wars could erupt within two of the world's largest nuclear powers.
* Around the globe, fundamentalist religious movements have entered the political arena in a direct challenge to one of the basic principles of the modern age: that governments and other civic institutions should be predominantly secular and religion confined to the private lives of individuals and groups.
Since the end of the Middle Ages, when religion dominated not only government but every other aspect of society, the pervasive trend in the past 500 years has been to separate church and state. Now, in many parts of the world, powerful movements are insisting on a return to God-centered government.
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=pearl-harbor
Springfield! Springfield!
Pearl Harbor (2001)
- We flew!
- We flew! Yes! I'm a pilot!
- I know!
- Yeah!
We flew.
- You no-account boy!
- Daddy!
I done told you, you spend time playing
with this stupid boy, can't read...
you ain't never gonna
amount to nothin'!
He ain't stupid, Daddy!
Daddy!
Come on!
Get on back home. Now!
Get on up.
You got work to do.
Come on!
Come on. Get on home!
You let him alone!
Daddy, no!
I will bust you open,
you dirty German!
What'd you call me?
I fought the Germans
in France.
And I fought 'em
in the trenches.
And I pray to God no one ever
has to see the things that I saw.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Open_Grave
Open Grave
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Plot
A man (Sharlto Copley) wakes up in a large pit full of dead bodies and does not remember how he got there. In a panic he cries for help before a woman throws a rope down into the pit, allowing him to climb and escape.
The man eventually finds his way to a house and discovers five occupants. A mute woman who doesn't understand English, a German man and three Americans, none of whom can remember his or her identity, although they do soon realize that they can remember other aspects of their former lives (such as the ability to speak other languages).
After long arguments about who is to blame they eventually stumble onto their identities. The man, who has no ID, is called John Doe, the German is Lukas, and the other three are Sharon, Nathan and Michael. There are no documents for the mute. Lukas continues to be hostile toward John especially when the group uncovers a picture containing all of them, with the exception of John. A nearby calendar hints that something is going to happen in two days (on the 18th), but there are no notes to indicate what.
The next morning the group explores the surrounding area. John and Sharon stumble across a locked shelter. Inside is a child who refers to John as Jonah and is clearly terrified of him. The child refuses to answer any questions and Jonah is forced to flee.
Meanwhile, Michael hears screams in the background and follows them until he finds a man trapped in barbed wire. The man is heavily covered in cuts, bruises and sores. He begs Michael for help, but when he goes to help, the man violently attacks Michael and he soon dies of his wounds.
Jonah suffers numerous flashbacks of violence toward people including slamming someone's head against a wall. He and Sharon come across a group of individuals chopping wood and the pair are forced to flee when the woodcutters give chase. Despite catching up with Jonah and Sharon the group gives up chase when they spot dead bodies hung from a tree.
Nathan gets attacked by a group of people in a zombie like state but manages to survive.
An increasingly ill Lukas stumbles across a video camera that contains clips of Jonah conducting medical experiments on him and others. In the clips Jonah explains that the vaccine does prevent the infection spreading but has the unfortunate side effect of rendering the recipient unconscious for several hours, lowering the pulse to just 30bpm, and causing temporary memory loss upon being awakened.
- posted by H.V.O.M - Kerry Wayne Burgess 04:20 AM Pacific Time Spokane Valley Washington USA Monday 01 August 2016
