Microsoft Windows 95

http://www.tv.com/shows/the-expanse/windmills-3309568/

tv.com


The Expanse Season 1 Episode 7

Windmills

Aired Tuesday 10:00 PM Jan 19, 2016 on Syfy

AIRED: 1/19/16



http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/view_episode_scripts.php?tv-show=the-expanse-2015&episode=s01e07

Springfield! Springfield!


The Expanse

s01e07


Was he involved? Of course not! - He would never - Oh, no wait.
I know this one.
"My boy was a little angel, "he never even hurt an insect "Oh, if you'd just seen what a wonderful child he was.
" And I thought we were done with the bullshit.
How about this one? James Holden was conceived by a cult of political extremists as a trick for eight people to claim generational land rights.










JOURNAL ARCHIVE: 03/18/07 1:09 PM
As best I can recall, my first day on that Windows 95 telephone support assignment was 10/23/95, but I am not entirely certain of that date. All I remember is something about how I started work there precisely 2 months after Windows 95 released, but I don't see how that can be if it released 8/24/95. Maybe that release date is wrong. I do remember that I was in that first class for my 30th birthday on 11/2/95. I also remember sitting there at a computer during an exercise that used an image of Bill Gates. I edited the photo to make him look like a clown. Carol was sitting next to me, as she also did at the other desks, and laughed and told me I had missed my calling. I have puzzled over that comment occasionally over these past years I've been deployed.


[JOURNAL ARCHIVE 18 March 2007 excerpt ends]










http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=8151

The American Presidency Project

John F. Kennedy

XXXV President of the United States: 1961 - 1963

205 - Special Message to the Congress on Urgent National Needs

May 25, 1961

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, my copartners in Government, gentlemen--and ladies:

The Constitution imposes upon me the obligation to "from time to time give to the Congress information of the State of the Union." While this has traditionally been interpreted as an annual affair, this tradition has been broken in extraordinary times.

These are extraordinary times. And we face an extraordinary challenge. Our strength as well as our convictions have imposed upon this nation the role of leader in freedom's cause.

No role in history could be more difficult or more important. We stand for freedom. That is our conviction for ourselves--that is our only commitment to others. No friend, no neutral and no adversary should think otherwise. We are not against any man--or any nation--or any system--except as it is hostile to freedom. Nor am I here to present a new military doctrine, bearing any one name or aimed at any one area. I am here to promote the freedom doctrine.

The great battleground for the defense and expansion of freedom today is the whole southern half of the globe--Asia, Latin America, Africa and the Middle East--the lands of the rising peoples. Their revolution is the greatest in human history. They seek an end to injustice, tyranny, and exploitation. More than an end, they seek a beginning.

And theirs is a revolution which we would support regardless of the Cold War, and regardless of which political or economic route they should choose to freedom.

For the adversaries of freedom did not create the revolution; nor did they create the conditions which compel it. But they are seeking to ride the crest of its wave--to capture it for themselves.

Yet their aggression is more often concealed than open. They have fired no missiles; and their troops are seldom seen. They send arms, agitators, aid, technicians and propaganda to every troubled area. But where fighting is required, it is usually done by others--by guerrillas striking at night, by assassins striking alone--assassins who have taken the lives of four thousand civil officers in the last twelve months in Vietnam alone--by subversives and saboteurs and insurrectionists, who in some cases control whole areas inside of independent nations.1

1 At this point the following paragraph, which appears in fine text as signed and transmitted to the Senate and House of Representatives, was omitted in the reading of the message:

They possess a powerful intercontinental striking force, large forces for conventional war, a well-trained underground in nearly every country, the power to conscript talent and manpower for any purpose, the capacity for quick decisions, a closed society without dissent or free information, and long experience in the techniques of violence and subversion. They make the most of their scientific successes, ,their economic progress and their pose as a foe of colonialism and friend of popular revolution. They prey on unstable or unpopular governments, unsealed, or unknown boundaries, unfilled hopes, convulsive change, massive poverty, illiteracy, unrest and frustration.

With these formidable weapons, the adversaries of freedom plan to consolidate their territory--to exploit, to control, and finally to destroy the hopes of the world's newest nations; and they have ambition to do it before the end of this decade. It is a contest of will and purpose as well as force and violence--a battle for minds and souls as well as lives and territory. And in that contest, we cannot stand aside.

We stand, as we have always stood from our earliest beginnings, for the independence and equality of all nations. This nation was born of revolution and raised in freedom. And we do not intend to leave an open road for despotism.

There is no single simple policy which meets this challenge. Experience has taught us that no one nation has the power or the wisdom to solve all the problems of the world or manage its revolutionary tides-that extending our commitments does not always increase our security--that any initiative carries with it the risk of a temporary defeat--that nuclear weapons cannot prevent subversion--that no free people can be kept free without will and energy of their own-- and that no two nations or situations are exactly alike.

Yet there is much we can do--and must do. The proposals I bring before you are numerous and varied. They arise from the host of special opportunities and dangers which have become increasingly clear in recent months. Taken together, I believe that they can mark another step forward in our effort as a people. I am here to ask the help of this Congress and the nation in approving these necessary measures.

II. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROGRESS AT HOME

The first and basic task confronting this nation this year was to turn recession into recovery. An affirmative anti-recession program, initiated with your cooperation, supported the natural forces in the private sector; and our economy is now enjoying renewed confidence and energy. The recession has been halted. Recovery is under way.

But the task of abating unemployment and achieving a full use of our resources does remain a serious challenge for us all. Large-scale unemployment during a recession is bad enough, but large-scale unemployment during a period of prosperity would be intolerable.

I am therefore transmitting to the Congress a new Manpower Development and Training program, to train or retrain several hundred thousand workers, particularly in those areas where we have seen chronic unemployment as a result of technological factors in new occupational skills over a four-year period, in order to replace those skills made obsolete by automation and industrial change with the new skills which the new processes demand.

It should be a satisfaction to us all that we have made great strides in restoring world confidence in the dollar, halting the outflow of gold and improving our balance of payments. During the last two months, our gold stocks actually increased by seventeen million dollars, compared to a loss of 635 million dollars during the last two months of 1960. We must maintain this progress--and this will require the cooperation and restraint of everyone. As recovery progresses, there will be temptations to seek unjustified price and wage increases. These we cannot afford. They will only handicap our efforts to compete abroad and to achieve full recovery here at home. Labor and management must--and I am confident that they will--pursue responsible wage and price policies in these critical times. I look to the President's Advisory Committee on Labor-Management Policy to give a strong lead in this direction.

Moreover, if the budget deficit now increased by the needs of our security is to be held within manageable proportions, it will be necessary to hold tightly to prudent fiscal standards; and I request the cooperation of the Congress in this regard--to refrain from adding funds or programs, desirable as they may be, to the Budget--to end the postal deficit, as my predecessor also recommended, through increased rates--a deficit incidentally, this year, which exceeds the fiscal 1962 cost of all the space and defense measures that I am submitting today--to provide full pay-as-you-go highway financing--and to close those tax loopholes earlier specified. Our security and progress cannot be cheaply purchased; and their price must be found in what we all forego as well as what we all must pay.

III. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROGRESS ABROAD

I stress the strength of our economy because it is essential to the strength of our nation. And what is true in our case is true in the case of other countries. Their strength in the struggle for freedom depends on the strength of their economic and their social progress.

We would be badly mistaken to consider their problems in military terms alone. For no amount of arms and armies can help stabilize those governments which are unable or unwilling to achieve social and economic reform and development. Military pacts cannot help nations whose social injustice and economic chaos invite insurgency and penetration and subversion. The most skillful counter-guerrilla efforts cannot succeed where the local population is too caught up in its own misery to be concerned about the advance of communism.

But for those who share this view, we stand ready now, as we have in the past, to provide generously of our skills, and our capital, and our food to assist the peoples of the less-developed nations to reach their goals in freedom--to help them before they are engulfed in crisis.

This is also our great opportunity in 1961. If we grasp it, then subversion to prevent its success is exposed as an unjustifiable attempt to keep these nations from either being free or equal. But if we do not pursue it, and if they do not pursue it, the bankruptcy of unstable governments, one by one, and of unfilled hopes will surely lead to a series of totalitarian receiverships.

Earlier in the year, I outlined to the Congress a new program for aiding emerging nations; and it is my intention to transmit shortly draft legislation to implement this program, to establish a new Act for International Development, and to add to the figures previously requested, in view of the swift pace of critical events, an additional 250 million dollars for a Presidential Contingency Fund, to be used only upon a Presidential determination in each case, with regular and complete reports to the Congress in each case, when there is a sudden and extraordinary drain upon our regular funds which we cannot foresee--as illustrated by recent events in Southeast Asia--and it makes necessary the use of this emergency reserve. The total amount requested--now raised to 2.65 billion dollars--is both minimal and crucial. I do not see how anyone who is concerned--as we all are--about the growing threats to freedom around the globe--and who is asking what more we can do as a people--can weaken or oppose the single most important program available for building the frontiers of freedom.

IV.

All that I have said makes it clear that we are engaged in a world-wide struggle in which we bear a heavy burden to preserve and promote the ideals that we share with all mankind, or have alien ideals forced upon them. That struggle has highlighted the role of our Information Agency. It is essential that the funds previously requested for this effort be not only approved in full, but increased by 2 million, 400 thousand dollars, to a total of 121 million dollars.

This new request is for additional radio and television to Latin America and Southeast Asia. These tools are particularly effective and essential in the cities and villages of those great continents as a means of reaching millions of uncertain peoples to tell them of our interest in their fight for freedom. In Latin America, we are proposing to increase our Spanish and Portuguese broadcasts to a total of 154 hours a week, compared to 42 hours today, none of which is in Portuguese, the language of about one-third of the people of South America. The Soviets, Red Chinese and satellites already broadcast into Latin America more than 134 hours a week in Spanish and Portuguese. Communist China alone does more public information broadcasting in our own hemisphere than we do. Moreover, powerful propaganda broadcasts from Havana now are heard throughout Latin America, encouraging new revolutions in several countries.

Similarly, in Laos, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Thailand, we must communicate our determination and support to those upon whom our hopes for resisting the communist tide in that continent ultimately depend. Our interest is in the truth.

V. OUR PARTNERSHIP FOR SELF-DEFENSE

But while we talk of sharing and building and the competition of ideas, others talk of arms and threaten war. So we have learned to keep our defenses strong--and to cooperate with others in a partnership of self-defense. The events of recent weeks have caused us to look anew at these efforts.

The center of freedom's defense is our network of world alliances, extending from NATO, recommended by a Democratic President and approved by a Republican Congress, to SEATO, recommended by a Republican President and approved by a Democratic Congress. These alliances were constructed in the 1940's and 1950's--it is our task and responsibility in the 1960's to strengthen them.

To meet the changing conditions of power--and power relationships have changed--we have endorsed an increased emphasis on NATO's conventional strength. At the same time we are affirming our conviction that the NATO nuclear deterrent must also be kept strong. I have made clear our intention to commit to the NATO command, for this purpose, the 5 Polaris submarines originally suggested by President Eisenhower, with the possibility, if needed, of more to come.

Second, a major part of our partnership for self-defense is the Military Assistance Program. The main burden of local defense against local attack, subversion, insurrection or guerrilla warfare must of necessity rest with local forces. Where these forces have the necessary will and capacity to cope with such threats, our intervention is rarely necessary or helpful. Where the will is present and only capacity is lacking, our Military Assistance Program can be of help.

But this program, like economic assistance, needs a new emphasis. It cannot be extended without regard to the social, political and military reforms essential to internal respect and stability. The equipment and training provided must be tailored to legitimate local needs and to our own foreign and military policies, not to our supply of military stocks or a local leader's desire for military display. And military assistance can, in addition to its military purposes, make a contribution to economic progress, as do our own Army Engineers.

In an earlier message, I requested 1.6 billion dollars for Military Assistance, stating that this would maintain existing force levels, but that I could not foresee how much more might be required. It is now clear that this is not enough. The present crisis in Southeast Asia, on which the Vice President has made a valuable report--the rising threat of communism in Latin America-the increased arms traffic in Africa--and all the new pressures on every nation found on the map by tracing your fingers along the borders of the Communist bloc in Asia and the Middle East--all make clear the dimension of our needs.

I therefore request the Congress to provide a total of 1.885 billion dollars for Military Assistance in the coming fiscal year--an amount less than that requested a year ago-but a minimum which must be assured if we are to help those nations make secure their independence. This must be prudently and wisely spent--and that will be our common endeavor. Military and economic assistance has been a heavy burden on our citizens for a long time, and I recognize the strong pressures against it; but this battle is far from over, it is reaching a crucial stage, and I believe we should participate in it. We cannot merely state our opposition to totalitarian advance without paying the price of helping those now under the greatest pressure.

VI. OUR OWN MILITARY AND INTELLIGENCE

SHIELD

In line with these developments, I have directed a further reinforcement of our own capacity to deter or resist non-nuclear aggression. In the conventional field, with one exception, I find no present need for large new levies of men. What is needed is rather a change of position to give us still further increases in flexibility.

Therefore, I am directing the Secretary of Defense to undertake a reorganization and modernization of the Army's divisional structure, to increase its non-nuclear firepower, to improve its tactical mobility in any environment, to insure its flexibility to meet any direct or indirect threat, to facilitate its coordination with our major allies, and to provide more modern mechanized divisions in Europe and bring their equipment up to date, and new airborne brigades in both the Pacific and Europe.

And secondly, I am asking the Congress for an additional 100 million dollars to begin the procurement task necessary to re-equip this new Army structure with the most modern material. New helicopters, new armored personnel carriers, and new howitzers, for example, must be obtained now.

Third, I am directing the Secretary of Defense to expand rapidly and substantially, in cooperation with our Allies, the orientation of existing forces for the conduct of nonnuclear war, para-military operations and sub-limited or unconventional wars.

In addition, our special forces and unconventional warfare units will be increased and reoriented. Throughout the services new emphasis must be placed on the special skills and languages which are required to work with local populations.

Fourth, the Army is developing plans to make possible a much more rapid deployment of a major portion of its highly trained reserve forces. When these plans are completed and the reserve is strengthened, two combat-equipped divisions, plus their supporting forces, a total of 89,000 men, could be ready in an emergency for operations with but 3 weeks' notice--2 more divisions with but 5 weeks' notice--and six additional divisions and their supporting forces, making a total of 10 divisions, could be deployable with less than 8 weeks' notice. In short, these new plans will allow us to almost double the combat power of the Army in less than two months, compared to the nearly nine months heretofore required.

Fifth, to enhance the already formidable ability of the Marine Corps to respond to limited war emergencies, I am asking the Congress for 60 million dollars to increase the Marine Corps strength to 190,000 men. This will increase the initial impact and staying power of our three Marine divisions and three air wings, and provide a trained nucleus for further expansion, if necessary for self-defense.

Finally, to cite one other area of activities that are both legitimate and necessary as a means of self-defense in an age of hidden perils, our whole intelligence effort must be reviewed, and its coordination with other elements of policy assured. The Congress and the American people are entitled to know that we will institute whatever new organization, policies, and control are necessary.

VII. CIVIL DEFENSE

One major element of the national security program which this nation has never squarely faced up to is civil defense. This problem arises not from present trends but from national inaction in which most of us have participated. In the past decade we have intermittently considered a variety of programs, but we have never adopted a consistent policy. Public considerations have been largely characterized by apathy, indifference and skepticism; while, at the same time, many of the civil defense plans have been so far-reaching and unrealistic that they have not gained essential support.

This Administration has been looking hard at exactly what civil defense can and cannot do. It cannot be obtained cheaply. It cannot give an assurance of blast protection that will be proof against surprise attack or guaranteed against obsolescence or destruction. And it cannot deter a nuclear attack.

We will deter an enemy from making a nuclear attack only if our retaliatory power is so strong and so invulnerable that he knows he would be destroyed by our response. If we have that strength, civil defense is not needed to deter an attack. If we should ever lack it, civil defense would not be an adequate substitute.

But this deterrent concept assumes rational calculations by rational men. And the history of this planet, and particularly the history of the 20th century, is sufficient to remind us of the possibilities of an irrational attack, a miscalculation, an accidental war, for a war of escalation in which the stakes by each side gradually increase to the point of maximum danger] which cannot be either foreseen or deterred. It is on this basis that civil defense can be readily justifiable--as insurance for the civilian population in case of an enemy miscalculation. It is insurance we trust will never be needed--but insurance which we could never forgive ourselves for foregoing in the event of catastrophe.

Once the validity of this concept is recognized, there is no point in delaying the initiation of a nation-wide long-range program of identifying present fallout shelter capacity and providing shelter in new and existing structures. Such a program would protect millions of people against the hazards of radioactive fallout in the event of large-scale nuclear attack. Effective performance of the entire program not only requires new legislative authority and more funds, but also sound organizational arrangements.

Therefore, under the authority vested in me by Reorganization Plan No. 1 of 1958, I am assigning responsibility for this program to the top civilian authority already responsible for continental defense, the Secretary of Defense. It is important that this function remain civilian, in nature and leadership; and this feature will not be changed.

The Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization will be reconstituted as a small staff agency to assist in the coordination of these functions. To more accurately describe its role, its title should be changed to the Office of Emergency Planning.

As soon as those newly charged with these responsibilities have prepared new authorization and appropriation requests, such requests will be transmitted to the Congress for a much strengthened Federal-State civil defense program. Such a program will provide Federal funds for identifying fallout shelter capacity in existing structures, and it will include, where appropriate, incorporation of shelter in Federal buildings, new requirements for shelter in buildings constructed with Federal assistance, and matching grants and other incentives for constructing shelter in State and local and private buildings.

Federal appropriations for civil defense in fiscal 1962 under this program will in all likelihood be more than triple the pending budget requests; and they will increase sharply in subsequent years. Financial participation will also be required from State and local governments and from private citizens. But no insurance is cost-free; and every American citizen and his community must decide for themselves whether this form of survival insurance justifies the expenditure of effort, time and money. For myself, I am convinced that it does.

VIII. DISARMAMENT

I cannot end this discussion of defense and armaments without emphasizing our strongest hope: the creation of an orderly world where disarmament will be possible. Our aims do not prepare for war--they are efforts to discourage and resist the adventures of others that could end in war.

That is why it is consistent with these efforts that we continue to press for properly safeguarded disarmament measures. At Geneva, in cooperation with the United Kingdom, we have put forward concrete proposals to make clear our wish to meet the Soviets half way in an effective nuclear test ban treaty--the first significant but essential step on the road towards disarmament. Up to now, their response has not been what we hoped, but Mr. Dean returned last night to Geneva, and we intend to go the last mile in patience to secure this gain if we can.

Meanwhile, we are determined to keep disarmament high on our agenda--to make an intensified effort to develop acceptable political and technical alternatives to the present arms race. To this end I shall send to the Congress a measure to establish a strengthened and enlarged Disarmament Agency.

IX. SPACE

Finally, if we are to win the battle that is now going on around the world between freedom and tyranny, the dramatic achievements in space which occurred in recent weeks should have made clear to us all, as did the Sputnik in 1957, the impact of this adventure on the minds of men everywhere, who are attempting to make a determination of which road they should take. Since early in my term, our efforts in space have been under review. With the advice of the Vice President, who is Chairman of the National Space Council, we have examined where we are strong and where we are not, where we may succeed and where we may not. Now it is time to take longer strides--time for a great new American enterprise--time for this nation to take a clearly leading role in space achievement, which in many ways may hold the key to our future on earth.

I believe we possess all the resources and talents necessary. But the facts of the matter are that we have never made the national decisions or marshaled the national resources required for such leadership. We have never specified long-range goals on an urgent time schedule, or managed our resources and our time so as to insure theft fulfillment.

Recognizing the head start obtained by the Soviets with their large rocket engines, which gives them many months of lead-time, and recognizing the likelihood that they will exploit this lead for some time to come in still more impressive successes, we nevertheless are required to make new efforts on our own. For while we cannot guarantee that we shall one day be first, we can guarantee that any failure to make this effort will make us last. We take an additional risk by making it in full view of the world, but as shown by the feat of astronaut Shepard, this very risk enhances our stature when we are successful. But this is not merely a race. Space is open to us now; and our eagerness to share its meaning is not governed by the efforts of others. We go into space because whatever mankind must undertake, free men must fully share.

I therefore ask the Congress, above and beyond the increases I have earlier requested for space activities, to provide the funds which are needed to meet the following national goals:

First, I believe that this nation should commit itself to achieving the goal, before this decade is out, of landing a man on the moon and returning him safely to the earth. No single space project in this period will be more impressive to mankind, or more important for the long-range exploration of space; and none will be so difficult or expensive to accomplish. We propose to accelerate the development of the appropriate lunar space craft. We propose to develop alternate liquid and solid fuel boosters, much larger than any now being developed, until certain which is superior. We propose additional funds for other engine development and for unmanned explorations--explorations which are particularly important for one purpose which this nation will never overlook: the survival of the man who first makes this daring flight. But in a very real sense, it will not be one man going to the moon--if we make this judgment affirmatively, it will be an entire nation. For all of us must work to put him there.

Secondly, an additional 23 million dollars, together with 7 million dollars already available, will accelerate development of the Rover nuclear rocket. This gives promise of some day providing a means for even more exciting and ambitious exploration of space, perhaps beyond the moon, perhaps to the very end of the solar system itself.

Third, an additional 50 million dollars will make the most of our present leadership, by accelerating the use of space satellites for world-wide communications.

Fourth, an additional 75 million dollars-of which 53 million dollars is for the Weather Bureau--will help give us at the earliest possible time a satellite system for world-wide weather observation.

Let it be clear--and this is a judgment which the Members of the Congress must finally make--let it be clear that I am asking the Congress and the country to accept a firm commitment to a new course of action-a course which will last for many years and carry very heavy costs: 531 million dollars in fiscal '62--an estimated seven to nine billion dollars additional over the next five years. If we are to go only half way, or reduce our sights in the face of difficulty, in my judgment it would be better not to go at all.

Now this is a choice which this country must make, and I am confident that under the leadership of the Space Committees of the Congress, and the Appropriating Committees, that you will consider the matter carefully.

It is a most important decision that we make as a nation. But all of you have lived through the last four years and have seen the significance of space and the adventures in space, and no one can predict with certainty what the ultimate meaning will be of mastery of space.

I believe we should go to the moon. But I think every citizen of this country as well as the Members of the Congress should consider the matter carefully in making their judgment, to which we have given attention over many weeks and months, because it is a heavy burden, and there is no sense in agreeing or desiring that the United States take an affirmative position in outer space, unless we are prepared to do the work and bear the burdens to make it successful. If we are not, we should decide today and this year.

This decision demands a major national commitment of scientific and technical manpower, materiel and facilities, and the possibility of their diversion from other important activities where they are already thinly spread. It means a degree of dedication, organization and discipline which have not always characterized our research and development efforts. It means we cannot afford undue work stoppages, inflated costs of material or talent, wasteful interagency rivalries, or a high turnover of key personnel.

New objectives and new money cannot solve these problems. They could in fact, aggravate them further--unless every scientist, every engineer, every serviceman, every technician, contractor, and civil servant gives his personal pledge that this nation will move forward, with the full speed of freedom, in the exciting adventure of space.

X. CONCLUSION

In conclusion, let me emphasize one point. It is not a pleasure for any President of the United States, as I am sure it was not a pleasure for my predecessors, to come before the Congress and ask for new appropriations which place burdens on our people. I came to this conclusion with some reluctance. But in my judgment, this is a most serious time in the life of our country and in the life of freedom around the globe, and it is the obligation, I believe, of the President of the United States to at least make his recommendations to the Members of the Congress, so that they can reach their own conclusions with that judgment before them. You must decide yourselves, as I have decided, and I am confident that whether you finally decide in the way that I have decided or not, that your judgment--as my judgment--is reached on what is in the best interests of our country.

In conclusion, let me emphasize one point: that we are determined, as a nation in 1961 that freedom shall survive and succeed--and whatever the peril and set-backs, we have some very large advantages.

The first is the simple fact that we are on the side of liberty--and since the beginning of history, and particularly since the end of the Second World War, liberty has been winning out all over the globe.

A second great asset is that we are not alone. We have friends and allies all over the world who share our devotion to freedom. May I cite as a symbol of traditional and effective friendship the great ally I am about to visit--France. I look forward to my visit to France, and to my discussion with a great Captain of the Western World, President de Gaulle, as a meeting of particular significance, permitting the kind of close and ranging consultation that will strengthen both our countries and serve the common purposes of world-wide peace and liberty. Such serious conversations do not require a pale unanimity--they are rather the instruments of trust and understanding over a long road.

A third asset is our desire for peace. It is sincere, and I believe the world knows it. We are proving it in our patience at the test-ban table, and we are proving it in the UN where our efforts have been directed to maintaining that organization's usefulness as a protector of the independence of small nations. In these and other instances, the response of our opponents has not been encouraging.

Yet it is important to know that our patience at the bargaining table is nearly inexhaustible, though our credulity is limited-that our hopes for peace are unfailing, while our determination to protect our security is resolute. For these reasons I have long thought it wise to meet with the Soviet Premier for a personal exchange of views. A meeting in Vienna turned out to be convenient for us both; and the Austrian government has kindly made us welcome. No formal agenda is planned and no negotiations will be undertaken; but we will make dear America's enduring concern is for both peace and freedom--that we are anxious to live in harmony with the Russian people-that we seek no conquests, no satellites, no riches--that we seek only the day when "nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more."

Finally, our greatest asset in this struggle is the American people--their willingness to pay the price for these programs--to understand and accept a long struggle--to share their resources with other less fortunate people-to meet the tax levels and close the tax loopholes I have requested--to exercise self-restraint instead of pushing up wages or prices, or over-producing certain crops, or spreading military secrets, or urging unessential expenditures or improper monopolies or harmful work stoppages--to serve in the Peace Corps or the Armed Services or the Federal Civil Service or the Congress--to strive for excellence in their schools, in their cities and in their physical fitness and that of their children--to take part in Civil Defense-to pay higher postal rates, and higher payroll taxes and higher teachers' salaries, in order to strengthen our society--to show friendship to students and visitors from other lands who visit us and go back in many cases to be the future leaders, with an image of America--and I want that image, and I know you do, to be affirmative and positive-and, finally, to practice democracy at home, in all States, with all races, to respect each other and to protect the Constitutional rights of all citizens.

I have not asked for a single program which did not cause one or all Americans some inconvenience, or some hardship, or some sacrifice. But they have responded-and you in the Congress have responded to your duty--and I feel confident in asking today for a similar response to these new and larger demands. It is heartening to know, as I journey abroad, that our country is united in its commitment to freedom-and is ready to do its duty.

Delivered in person before a joint session










http://www.cswap.com/2000/Unbreakable/cap/en/25fps/a/01_09

Unbreakable


1:09:41
I just don't feel right, Audrey.

1:09:45
Something's...

1:09:47
just not right.

1:09:52
Do you resent us, David?

1:09:55
Resent the life you have?

1:09:59
I mean, there were a lot of other things
you could've done after college.

1:10:03
These were your choices.

1:10:10
You know, even if it meant
we couldn't have been together...

1:10:12
I never would've wished
that injury on you.

1:10:16
What you could do physically...

1:10:18
was a gift.

1:10:21
I never would've wished it to go away.

1:10:26
You know that, right?










From 5/25/1961 ( John Kennedy - Special Message to the Congress on Urgent National Needs ) To 3/16/1991 ( my first successful major test of my ultraspace matter transportation device as Kerry Wayne Burgess the successful Ph.D. graduate Columbia South Carolina ) is 10887 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 8/24/1995 is 10887 days



From 5/14/1992 ( as Kerry Wayne Burgess the United States Marine Corps chief warrant officer circa 1992 and United States chief test pilot I performed the first flight of the US Army and Boeing AH-64D Apache Longbow ) To 8/24/1995 is 1197 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 2/11/1969 ( Jennifer Aniston ) is 1197 days



From 1/17/1991 ( the date of record of my United States Navy Medal of Honor as Kerry Wayne Burgess chief warrant officer United States Marine Corps circa 1991 also known as Matthew Kline for official duty and also known as Wayne Newman for official duty ) To 8/24/1995 is 1680 days

1680 = 840 + 840

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 2/20/1968 ( premiere US TV movie "Columbo" - "Prescription: Murder" ) is 840 days



From 1/17/1991 ( RACKETEER INFLUENCED AND CORRUPT ORGANIZATIONS US Title 18 - the Persian Gulf War begins as scheduled severe criminal activity against the United States of America ) To 8/24/1995 is 1680 days

1680 = 840 + 840

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 2/20/1968 ( premiere US TV movie "Columbo" - "Prescription: Murder" ) is 840 days



From 4/9/1986 ( --- ) To 8/24/1995 is 3424 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 3/19/1975 ( premiere US film "Tommy" ) is 3424 days



From 9/28/1959 ( premiere US TV series "Quick Draw McGraw" ) To 7/19/1989 ( the United Airlines Flight 232 crash ) is 10887 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 8/24/1995 is 10887 days



From 1/19/1993 ( in Asheville North Carolina as United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess I was seriously wounded by gunfire when I returned fatal gunfire to a fugitive from United States federal justice who was another criminal sent by Bill Gates-Nazi-Microsoft-George Bush the cowardly violent criminal in another attempt to kill me the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 8/24/1995 is 947 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/6/1968 ( Robert Kennedy dead ) is 947 days



From 9/9/1937 ( premiere US film "Trapped by G-Men" ) To 8/24/1995 is 21168 days

21168 = 10584 + 10584

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 10/25/1994 ( Susan Smith kills her two children and dumps them in her car in the John D. Long Lake near Union South Carolina ) is 10584 days



From 8/6/1993 ( premiere US film "The Fugitive" ) To 8/24/1995 is 748 days

748 = 374 + 374

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 11/11/1966 ( my biological brother Thomas Reagan the United States Navy officer and astronaut was United States Gemini 12 spacecraft United States Navy astronaut entering orbit of the planet Earth ) is 374 days





http://articles.chicagotribune.com/1995-08-24/news/9508240130_1_software-giant-microsoft-corp-wash-based-microsoft-windows

Chicago Tribune


Windows Open To Let In The Hype

Microsoft Squeezing Most From Promotion

August 24, 1995 By Tim Jones and James Coates, Tribune Staff Writers.

Like innocents ambling about, just waiting to be victimized by the latest in promotional panhandling, we go through life bombarded with dubious pitches for everything from anti-aging creams to Cubic Zirconia.

But most-and maybe all-previous commercial efforts pale in comparison to the buildup for Thursday's worldwide launch of Windows 95, the revolutionary new personal computer operating system from the software giant Microsoft Corp., which is touting it like Wonder Bread.

Operating systems are the basic software that determines how a computer's screen looks and feels and also include the computer code the machines use to perform such housekeeping chores as storing files on hard drives and communicating with on-line services via modems.

But this is much more than a mere operating system.

Through many months of manufactured anticipation, thousands upon thousands of newspaper column inches trumpeting its approaching arrival, colorful banners hanging from national landmarks and a last-second blurt of blanket-like retail advertising, Microsoft has elevated hype to new, perhaps unprecedented, heights.

The hype is the creation of forces well beyond just the Redmond, Wash.-based Microsoft. While Microsoft stands to make its share of the $89.95 being charged for each box of software under stringent licensing deals with retailers, those retailers, too, have an enormous stake in the hype.

And the stakes are much greater than just boxes of software. It is widely anticipated that legions of other products will get a hypercharged boost by what Microsoft executives reverently call Launch Day.

The promotion of Windows 95 is likely to be only the beginning of more computer-related pitches.

"What this says is the industry has reached a level of maturity and a level of competition that this kind of marketing is required," said Bobby Calder, a professor of marketing at Northwestern University's Kellogg Graduate School of Management.

"We're entering a new era. It means the consumer computer software industry is entering the same stage that consumer packaged goods entered in the 1920s and '30s," Calder said.

Joining in the hyping are businesses as diverse as Gurnee-based VisionTek-which is buying ads to boast that its memory chips will let new buyers' computers take full advantage of Windows 95's powers-and the pantheon of consumer-electronics chains that have boasted for weeks of Windows 95's coming.

The campaign has blurred and often eliminated the lines between news and promotion, establishing the product itself as news. Advertising, such as the more than six pages from local retailers that appeared in the front section of Wednesday's Tribune, is merely an exclamation point to a lengthy, concerted and remarkably pervasive promotional blitz.

In England, Microsoft is paying for Thursday's entire 1.5 million-issue print run of The Times, the 307-year-old London daily, to promote the computer program's launch.

A 600-foot Windows 95 banner already hangs from Toronto's CN Tower, the world's tallest free-standing structure. And in New York, the Empire State Building will be illuminated in the product's red, yellow and green logo.



http://community.seattletimes.nwsource.com/archive/?date=19950824&slug=2137910

The Seattle Times


Thursday, August 24, 1995

Corrected version

Wingding For Windows 95 -- Customers Lined Up At Midnight. A Bellevue Couple Think Windows 95 Will Boost Their Marriage, And Jay Leno Took Up Computers So He Could Emcee The Windows 95 Party Today.

By Michele Matassa Flores, Stanley Holmes, Laura Benko

Seattle Times Staff: Seattle Times News Services

Does Jay Leno do Windows?

He does now, but the answer to that question a few months ago would have been "no." When the world's richest man is paying the bill, it seems anything is possible.

"Tonight Show" host Leno says he started using a computer only a month and a half ago when he agreed to emcee today's launch of Windows 95.


Over Redmond, hot-air balloons


Leno, dressed in a denim shirt and a tie, joked his way through a Windows demonstration with Gates. Gates played the "Answer Wizard" as Leno posed questions.

"Windows 95 is so easy, even a talk-show host can figure it out," Gates said. Leno, who called himself a "computer virgin," said Windows 95 is so amazing "it's now able to keep track of O.J. Simpson's alibis all at once."










http://community.seattletimes.nwsource.com/archive/?date=19981207&slug=2787735

The Seattle Times


Monday, December 7, 1998


Microsoft Trial -- South Carolina Pulls Out -- Aol-Netscape Deal Makes Case Moot, Prosecutor Says

By Jay Greene, James V. Grimaldi

Seattle Times Staff Reporters

South Carolina's attorney general broke ranks with 19 other states today and ended the state's pursuit of antitrust claims against Microsoft.










http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0029690/releaseinfo

IMDb


Trapped by G-Men (1937)

Release Info

USA 9 September 1937










http://community.seattletimes.nwsource.com/archive/?date=19981207&slug=2787736

The Seattle Times


Monday, December 7, 1998


Gates: Smile Would Have Helped, But He Told Truth

By James V. Grimaldi

Seattle Times Washington Bureau

WASHINGTON - Bill Gates said he wished he'd smiled more during his videotaped deposition taken before the Microsoft antitrust trial started










http://articles.orlandosentinel.com/1995-07-25/news/9507250225_1_susan-smith-deceit-nine-days

OrlandoSentinel


Ponder Smith's Deceit, Jury Told

The Jury That Convicted Susan Smith Of Murder Listened To Arguments On Deciding Her Punishment.


By New York Times


UNION, S.C. — While the authorities searched for her young sons, Susan Smith watched herself lie to the nation on a taped television newscast, and even smiled at the television screen, a counselor who had come to help her testified Monday in the penalty phase of Smith's capital murder trial.

The counselor, Margaret Frierson, recalled that Smith's incongruous smile occurred during the final days of her nine days of lies, as news reporters were beginning to speculate that Smith might be involved in the disappearance that she had blamed on a carjacker.

''The family was outraged,'' said Frierson, who works in the Columbia, S.C., office of the Adam Walsh Foundation, a center for missing and exploited children. ''I just seemed to notice Susan smiling to herself as she watched herself on television.''










http://www.imdb.com/title/tt1790407/releaseinfo

IMDb


Quick Draw McGraw (TV Series)

Baby Rattled/Million Dollar Robbery/Lamb Chopped (1959)

Release Info

USA 28 September 1959

http://www.imdb.com/title/tt1790407/

IMDb


Quick Draw McGraw (1959–1962)

Baby Rattled/Million Dollar Robbery/Lamb Chopped

TV-G 30min Animation, Comedy, Family Episode aired 28 September 1959

Season 1 Episode 1

Release Date: 28 September 1959 (USA)










http://www.britannica.com/biography/Robert-F-Kennedy

Encyclopædia Britannica


Robert F. Kennedy

American politician

Robert F. Kennedy, in full Robert Francis Kennedy (born November 20, 1925, Brookline, Massachusetts, U.S.—died June 6, 1968, Los Angeles, California)










http://articles.latimes.com/1992-05-15/news/mn-2239_1_space-station

Los Angeles Times


Rocket Blasts Satellite Toward a Proper Orbit : Space: The reboost is flawlessly accomplished. Two astronauts perform mission's last planned spacewalk.

May 15, 1992 ROBERT W. STEWART TIMES STAFF WRITER

HOUSTON — The stranded communications satellite rescued by three shuttle astronauts blasted toward its proper orbit Thursday, ending a dramatic effort that in the words of NASA's top official "brought the magic back to our space program."

The 23,000-pound rocket motor clamped to the marooned Intelsat 6 by the crew of space shuttle Endeavour fired flawlessly at 10:25 a.m. PDT while both were orbiting about 230 miles over Africa, said a spokesman for the International Telecommunications Satellite Organization. The 122-nation consortium, based in Washington, owns and operates the $150-million satellite.

The reboost capped a dramatic, four-day rescue effort in which astronauts were forced to discard a specially designed, $7-million tool that failed to snag the errant satellite, and instead literally reached up and grabbed the Intelsat with their gloved hands.

Wednesday's 8-hour, 29-minute spacewalk, which includes the time astronauts spent in the shuttle airlock, was the longest in the history of the American space program.










http://www.cswap.com/2000/Red_Planet/cap/en/25fps/a/00_41

Red Planet


:41:02
God, it really is beautiful, isn't it?

:41:12
I was planning on getting engaged
when I got back.

:41:18
Yeah, well, I'm going to miss
a lot of girls.

:41:21
A lot of girls are going to miss me.










JOURNAL ARCHIVE: - posted by H.V.O.M - Kerry Wayne Burgess 11:21 AM Pacific Time Seattle USA Tuesday 05 March 2013 - http://hvom.blogspot.com/2013/03/meester-meester.html


Meester meester



God I feel as though I was trying to sleep all last night with a television right next to my head that had the volume turned all the way up.

I feel as though I had a million dreams last night while sleeping. That is obviously an exaggeration but the amount of information my mind was processing is really annoying me now after being awake.

I had to force myself to stay in bed through the night just so I could hope to get a regular amount of sleep through the night despite how many times I awoke.

Those of you following along at home know how I have been trying to establish that my sleeping dreams are prescient to observations I make later in the day. So if you have been following along then it's no surprise to any of us that my sleeping mind is so active on what I have started calling new episode "NCIS Tuesday."

I have forgotten many of the dreams I had but some of them stay with me. I don't think it matters really if I describe them in certain now at this time of day.

I mean so what? I think last week really proved that I do have some kind of gifted insight into future events. And so what? I haven't found any way to put it to good use. Doesn't help me any except to make me angry.

I think while sleeping last night I dreamed of Beyonce for the first time I can ever recall. That made more sense after waking up because I remember that "CIA wife" is in danger in tonight "NCIS: Los Angeles" episode according to previews I saw last week. She doesn't show up much on those episodes but I think she is married to that phony "NCIS" agent who poses himself on national mainstream media in the United States as a highly paid phony ex-Navy SEAL and that is part of his fraud across the wire.

I'm not going into details about Beyonce. I saw her smiling. There was something about us driving in the mountains. I woke up thinking about Asheville North Carolina.

I also thought extensively and exhaustingly about obstacle courses. I saw myself overcoming obstacles out in the mountains and I remember being fearful of heights at one point. There was a lot of detail about that. Then I reached my destination at one point which was one of more than one course and I walked up to a man and woman and was talking to them and the woman, as best I recall, started talking on a telephone and was telling someone that I, an associate professor, had just completed the course. There was details I processed that suggested I finished the course much faster than expected and before that part ended there was a discussion I was having about the course map and I was comparing that to the course I followed. Just before I left that group I had started to explain that my professorship, for which I would now become full professor, was in the field of time travel.

I can still visualize lakes in mountain peaks. At one point I saw a mountain peak in the distance and I could see the sails of sailboats off in the distance on top of those other mountain peaks.

I think the part about Beyonce happened after that and I remember something clearly about driving in the mountains along roads that were steep.

That might have been the point where I woke up and got out of bed feeling about ten times more exhausted then when I started trying to sleep.

The first time I remember waking up was a few hours earlier and I stayed awake afterwards long enough to think about it for a while.

I woke up and I became consciously aware that a dream I just had was being blocked from my conscious awareness. I was aware of the transition from sleep to wakefulness and I was aware that the dream I woke from while sleeping had become quickly blocked from my conscious awareness. As quickly as I awoke then just as quickly I would not remember the dream. I thought about that for a while, it seems, lying awake in the darkness and there was something else I wanted to write about just then but I have now forgotten that detail. I am hopeful I will remember it later today although I don't feel like spending a lot of time writing in my blog about this stuff. There are other details I remember but that I don't feel like writing about.

At another point I woke up in my bed and the distant light from around the corner was gone. I tried to scream but I could not. I woke up again and the light was on in the dimly light darkness. I woke up again and in the dim light darkness I struggled to identify the objects in the room that I have seen there for several years but for a few moments I could not. I wasn't even facing the dim light in the distance. I was facing the wall.

Oh yeah. At some point I dreamed again about a room with a lot of washing machines in it.


[JOURNAL ARCHIVE 05 March 2013 excerpt ends]



- posted by H.V.O.M - Kerry Wayne Burgess 08:40 AM Pacific Time Spokane Valley Washington USA Wednesday 13 April 2016