You know, I have been thinking the past couple days and I have to note it here as I finish this post of non-contiguous information, with the TV droning on in the background, having finished watching the video that's the point of this note.
I think I wrote about this memory before here in my journal but I haven't tried in the past couple days to find a reference. I feel certain I wrote one time and perhaps more than one time about a memory I have of the summer of 2004 during that beautiful time when I first lived in Spokane Valley which was for about six months and before I moved back to the Seattle suburbs. I feel certain I wrote about how that was the only time since December 1998 I haven't lived near Seattle where I moved to from South Carolina. I am certain I wrote about how I was sitting there in that extended stay hotel room on Sprague and I saw a US Navy chief petty officer pass by outside my window, facing the map placement of Riverside Avenue, often enough I recognized his insignia. I know I must have written about how I was there when I went to see the 2004 "The Manchurian Candidate" in the nearby Spokane Valley Mall as well as the 2004 "Dawn of the Dead". I still owned my 2002 black Jeep Wrangler back then. How fondly I remember that time. I was living there when I finished the Ironman triathlon nearby in Coeur d'Alene. Seems like yesterday to my mind but not to my body.
So anyway, I was thinking again the past couple days and I was wondering if I noted this in my journal about that day I emailed The White House. I know I wrote about that in my journal in recent years. What I have been wondering about in recent days is about how specific I was in my notes. I remember this like yesterday. The part I remember clearly is that after I sent the email I was certain that a black van was going to show up and haul me away somewhere. So what did I do? I went to take a shower and I remember shaving my face. I remember that because I haven't used a razor to shave my face since the year 2005. After they secretly drugged me and after I was hospitalized so long I have never used a shaving razor on my face.
And so I was thinking the past couple days: maybe a black van did show up and haul me off somewhere.
The reason I do not recall that detail? Well, no witnesses for one. No co-conspirators for another.
But see, that's fascinating to me. I remember details that are compelling to me about the fantastic details I blog about. I have noted here in my blog many times that the more fantastic details I blog about are just thoughts in my mind. I write about how I have no actual memory of the more fantastic details that I write about. My memory seems to be just about dates and events. I remember a date on the calendar and an event associated with it. That's it. I have memories of the 1990s but what does that mean really? Those memories I have are what I guess are safe memories. In this GOTCHA age of NO FED LIVES MATTER there is a time and place for what I recall.
2016_Cyb20_DSC00019.jpg
2016_Cyb20_DSC00021.jpg
2016_Nk20_DSCN0061.jpg
http://my.excite.com/tv/prog.jsp?id=MV003986860000&sid=59814&sn=FXPHD&st=201601032300&cn=665
excite tv
Man of Steel (2013)
665 FXPHD: Sunday, January 3 11:00 PM [ 2016 ]
2013, PG-13, **1/2, 02:23, Color, English, United States,
Though struggling with the ramifications of his extraordinary origin and abilities, young Clark Kent (Henry Cavill) must become a hero and save those he loves from a dire threat.
Cast: Henry Cavill, Amy Adams, Michael Shannon, Diane Lane, Russell Crowe, Antje Traue, Harry Lennix, Richard Schiff, Christopher Meloni, Kevin Costner, Ayelet Zurer, Laurence Fishburne, Dylan Sprayberry, Cooper Timberline, Richard Cetrone, Mackenzie Gray, Julian Richings, Mary Black, Samantha Jo Director(s): Zack Snyder Producer(s): Charles Roven, Christopher Nolan, Emma Thomas, Deborah Snyder Executive Producer(s): Thomas Tull, Lloyd Phillips, Jon Peters
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0770828/quotes
IMDb
Man of Steel (2013)
Quotes
Jor-El: You will give the people of Earth an ideal to strive towards. They will race behind you, they will stumble, they will fall. But in time, they will join you in the sun
JOURNAL ARCHIVE: - posted by H.V.O.M - Kerry Wayne Burgess 4:53 PM Pacific Time Seattle USA Sunday 24 March 2013 - http://hvom.blogspot.com/2013/03/this-morning-while-sleeping-i-had-what.html
The reason I was feeling robbed was because the sense of realism dissipated so quickly.
[JOURNAL ARCHIVE 24 March 2013 excerpt ends]
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=cube
Springfield! Springfield!
Cube (1997)
hey, i'm sorry to shake your
foundations, quentin,
but you have no idea where
your tax dollars go.
free clinic doctors.
holloway: only the military-
industrial complex
could afford to build
something this size.
holloway?
what is the military
industrial complex?
have you ever
been there?
i'm telling you, it's not
that complex.
how would you know
from where you are?
who do you think
the establishment is?
[ snort ] it's just
guys like me.
their desks are bigger
but their jobs aren't.
they don't conspire.
they buy boats.
quentin: no, this place is...
remember scaramanga?
the bad guy in "the man
with the golden gun".
yeah?
it's some rich psycho's
entertainment.
[ snort of laughter ]
is that what you think?
clear!
[ jeering laughter ]
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=3824
The American Presidency Project
Richard Nixon
XXXVII President of the United States: 1969-1974
134 - Address to the Nation About the Watergate Investigations.
April 30, 1973
Good evening:
I want to talk to you tonight from my heart on a subject of deep concern to every American.
In recent months, members of my Administration and officials of the Committee for the Re-Election of the President-including some of my closest friends and most trusted aides--have been charged with involvement in what has come to be known as the Watergate affair. These include charges of illegal activity during and preceding the 1972 Presidential election and charges that responsible officials participated in efforts to cover up that illegal activity.
The inevitable result of these charges has been to raise serious questions about the integrity of the White House itself. Tonight I wish to address those questions.
Last June 17, while I was in Florida trying to get a few days rest after my visit to Moscow, I first learned from news reports of the Watergate break-in. I was appalled at this senseless, illegal action, and I was shocked to learn that employees of the Re-Election Committee were apparently among those guilty. I immediately ordered an investigation by appropriate Government authorities. On September 15, as you will recall, indictments were brought against seven defendants in the case.
As the investigations went forward, I repeatedly asked those conducting the investigation whether there was any reason to believe that members of my Administration were in any way involved. I received repeated assurances that there were not. Because of these continuing reassurances, because I believed the reports I was getting, because I had faith in the persons from whom I was getting them, I discounted the stories in the press that appeared to implicate members of my Administration or other officials of the campaign committee.
Until March of this year, I remained convinced that the denials were true and that the charges of involvement by members of the White House Staff were false. The comments I made during this period, and the comments made by my Press Secretary in my behalf, were based on the information provided to us at the time we made those comments. However, new information then came to me which persuaded me that there was a real possibility that some of these charges were true, and suggesting further that there had been an effort to conceal the facts both from the public, from you, and from me.
As a result, on March 21, I personally assumed the responsibility for coordinating intensive new inquiries into the matter, and I personally ordered those conducting the investigations to get all the facts and to report them directly to me, right here in this office.
I again ordered that all persons in the Government or at the Re-Election Committee should cooperate fully with the FBI, the prosecutors, and the grand jury. I also ordered that anyone who refused to cooperate in telling the truth would be asked to resign from Government service. And, with ground rules adopted that would preserve the basic constitutional separation of powers between the Congress and the Presidency, I directed that members of the White House Staff should appear and testify voluntarily under oath before the Senate committee which was investigating Watergate.
I was determined that we should get to the bottom of the matter, and that the truth should be fully brought out--no matter who was involved.
At the same time, I was determined not to take precipitate action and to avoid, if at all possible, any action that would appear to reflect on innocent people. I wanted to be fair. But I knew that in the final analysis, the integrity of this office--public faith in the integrity of this office--would have to take priority over all personal considerations.
Today, in one of the most difficult decisions of my Presidency, I accepted the resignations of two of my closest associates in the White House--Bob Haldeman, John Ehrlichman--two of the finest public servants it has been my privilege to know.
I want to stress that in accepting these resignations, I mean to leave no implication whatever of personal wrongdoing on their part, and I leave no implication tonight of implication on the part of others who have been charged in this matter. But in matters as sensitive as guarding the integrity of our democratic process, it is essential not only that rigorous legal and ethical standards be observed but also that the public, you, have total confidence that they are both being observed and enforced by those in authority and particularly by the President of the United States. They agreed with me that this move was necessary in order to restore that confidence.
Because Attorney General Kleindienst-though a distinguished public servant, my personal friend for 20 years, with no personal involvement whatever in this matter-has been a close personal and professional associate of some of those who are involved in this case, he and I both felt that it was also necessary to name a new Attorney General.
The Counsel to the President, John Dean, has also resigned.
As the new Attorney General, I have today named Elliot Richardson, a man of unimpeachable integrity and rigorously high principle. I have directed him to do everything necessary to ensure that the Department of Justice has the confidence and the trust of every law-abiding person in this country.
I have given him absolute authority to make all decisions bearing upon the prosecution of the Watergate .case and related matters. I have instructed him that if he should consider it appropriate, he has the authority to name a special supervising prosecutor for matters arising out of the case.
Whatever may appear to have been the case before, whatever improper activities may yet be discovered in connection with this whole sordid affair, I want the American people, I want you to know beyond the shadow of a doubt that during my term as President, justice will be pursued fairly, fully, and impartially, no matter who is involved. This office is a sacred trust and I am determined to be worthy of that trust.
Looking back at the history of this case, two questions arise:
How could it have happened?
Who is to blame?
Political commentators have correctly observed that during my 27 years in politics I have always previously insisted on running my own campaigns for office.
But 1972 presented a very different situation. In both domestic and foreign policy, 1972 was a year of crucially important decisions, of intense negotiations, of vital new directions, particularly in working toward the goal which has been my overriding concern throughout my political career--the goal of bringing peace to America, peace to the world.
That is why I decided, as the 1972 campaign approached, that the Presidency should come first and politics second. To the maximum extent possible, therefore, I sought to delegate campaign operations, to remove the day-to-day campaign decisions from the President's office and from the White House. I also, as you recall, severely limited the number of my own campaign appearances.
Who, then, is to blame for what happened in this case?
For specific criminal actions by specific individuals, those who committed those actions must, of course, bear the liability and pay the penalty.
For the fact that alleged improper actions took place within the White House or within my campaign organization, the easiest course would be for me to blame those to whom I delegated the responsibility to run the campaign. But that would be a cowardly thing to do.
I will not place the blame on subordinates--on people whose zeal exceeded their judgment and who may have done wrong in a cause they deeply believed to be right.
In any organization, the man at the top must bear the responsibility. That responsibility, therefore, belongs here, in this office. I accept it. And I pledge to you tonight, from this office, that I will do everything in my power to ensure that the guilty are brought to justice and that such abuses are purged from our political processes in the years to come, long after I have left this office.
Some people, quite properly appalled at the abuses that occurred, will say that Watergate demonstrates the bankruptcy of the American political system. I believe precisely the opposite is true. Watergate represented a series of illegal acts and bad judgments by a number of individuals. It was the system that has brought the facts to light and that will bring those guilty to justice--a system that in this case has included a determined grand jury, honest prosecutors, a courageous judge, John Sirica, and a vigorous free press.
It is essential now that we place our faith in that system--and especially in the judicial system. It .is essential that we let the judicial process go forward, respecting those safeguards that are established to protect the innocent as well as to convict the guilty. It is essential that in reacting to the excesses of others, we not fall into excesses ourselves.
It is also essential that we not be so distracted by events such as this that we neglect the vital work before us, before this Nation, before America, at a time of critical importance to America and the world.
Since March, when I first learned that the Watergate affair might in fact be far more serious than I had been led to believe, it has claimed far too much of my time and my attention.
Whatever may now transpire in the case, whatever the actions of the grand jury, whatever the outcome of any eventual trials, I must now turn my full attention--and I shall do so--once again to the larger duties of this office. I owe it to this great office that I hold, and I owe it to you--to my country.
I know that as Attorney General, Elliot Richardson will be both fair and he will be fearless in pursuing this case wherever it leads. I am confident that with him in charge, justice will be done.
There is vital work to be done toward our goal of a lasting structure of peace in the world--work that cannot wait, work that I must do.
Tomorrow, for example, Chancellor Brandt of West Germany will visit the White House for talks that are a vital element of "The Year of Europe," as 1973 has been called. We are already preparing for the next Soviet-American summit meeting later this year.
This is also a year in which we are seeking to negotiate a mutual and balanced reduction of armed forces in Europe, which will reduce our defense budget and allow us to have funds for other purposes at home so desperately needed. It is the year when the United States and Soviet negotiators will seek to work out the second and even more important round of our talks on limiting nuclear arms and of reducing the danger of a nuclear war that would destroy civilization as we know it. It is a year in which we confront the difficult tasks of maintaining peace in Southeast Asia and in the potentially explosive Middle East.
There is also vital work to be done right here in America: to ensure prosperity, and that means a good job for everyone who wants to work; to control inflation, that I know worries every housewife, everyone who tries to balance a family budget in America; to set in motion new and better ways of ensuring progress toward a better life for all Americans.
When I think of this office---of what it means--I think of all the things that I want to accomplish for this Nation, of all the things I want to accomplish for you.
On Christmas Eve, during my terrible personal ordeal of the renewed bombing of North Vietnam, which after 12 years of war finally helped to bring America peace with honor, I sat down just before midnight. I wrote out some of my goals for my second term as President. Let me read them to you.
"To make it possible for our children, and for our children's children, to live in a world of peace.
"To make this country be more than ever a land of opportunity---of equal opportunity, full opportunity for every American.
"To provide jobs for all who can work, and generous help for those who cannot work.
"To establish a climate of decency and civility, in which each person respects the feelings and the dignity and the Godgiven rights of his neighbor.
"To make this a land in which each person can dare to dream, can live his dreams--not in fear, but in hope--proud of his community, proud of his country, proud of what America has meant to himself and to the world."
These are great goals. I believe we can, we must work for them. We can achieve them. But we cannot achieve these goals unless we dedicate ourselves to another goal.
We must maintain the integrity of the White House, and that integrity must be real, not transparent. There can be no whitewash at the White House.
We must reform our political process-ridding it not only of the violations of the law but also of the ugly mob violence and other inexcusable campaign tactics that have been too often practiced and too readily accepted in the past, including those that may have been a response by one side to the excesses or expected excesses of the other side. Two wrongs do not make a right.
I have been in public life for more than a quarter of a century. Like any other calling, politics has good people and bad people. And let me tell you, the great majority in politics in the Congress, in the Federal Government, in the State government--are good people. I know that it can be very easy, under the intensive pressures of a campaign, for even well-intentioned people to fall into shady tactics--to rationalize this on the grounds that what is at stake is of such importance to the Nation that the end justifies the means. And both of our great parties have been guilty of such tactics in the past..
In recent years, however, the campaign excesses that have occurred on all sides have provided a sobering demonstration of how far this false doctrine can take us. The lesson is clear: America, in its political campaigns, must not again fall into the trap of letting the end, however great that end is, justify the means.
I urge the leaders of both political parties, I urge citizens, all of you, everywhere, to join in working toward a new set of standards, new rules and procedures to ensure that future elections will be as nearly free of such abuses as they possibly can be made. This is my goal. I ask you to join in making it America's goal.
When I was inaugurated for a second time this past January 20, I gave each member of my Cabinet and each member of my senior White House Staff a special 4-year calendar, with each day marked to show the number of days remaining to the Administration. In the inscription on each calendar, I wrote these words: "The Presidential term which begins today consists of 1,461 days--no more, no less. Each can be a day of strengthening and renewal for America; each can add depth and dimension to the American experience. If we strive together, if we make the most of the challenge and the opportunity that these days offer us, they can stand out as great days for America, and great moments in the history of the world."
I looked at my own calendar this morning up at Camp David as I was working on this speech. It showed exactly 1,361 days remaining in my term. I want these to be the best days in America's history, because I love America. I deeply believe that America is the hope of the world. And I know that in the quality and wisdom of the leadership America gives lies the only hope for millions of people all over the world that they can live their lives in peace and freedom. We must be worthy of that hope, in every sense of the word. Tonight, I ask for your prayers to help me in everything that I do throughout the days of my Presidency to be worthy of their hopes and of yours.
God bless America and God bless each and every one of you.
Note: The President spoke at 9:01 p.m. from the Oval Office at the White House. His address was broadcast live on nationwide radio and television.
From 3/16/1991 ( my first successful major test of my ultraspace matter transportation device as Kerry Wayne Burgess the successful Ph.D. graduate Columbia South Carolina ) To 9/11/1998 is 2736 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 4/30/1973 ( Richard Nixon - Address to the Nation About the Watergate Investigations ) is 2736 days
From 12/25/1991 ( as United States Marine Corps chief warrant officer Kerry Wayne Burgess I was prisoner of war in Croatia ) To 9/11/1998 is 2452 days
2452 = 1226 + 1226
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 3/12/1969 ( Richard Nixon - Message to the Senate Transmitting Conventions for the Protection of Intellectual and Industrial Property ) is 1226 days
From 10/28/1994 ( premiere US film "Stargate" ) To 9/11/1998 is 1414 days
1414 = 707 + 707
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 10/10/1967 ( Lyndon Johnson - Remarks at Ceremony Marking the Entry Into Force of the Outer Space Treaty ) is 707 days
From 5/7/1992 ( the first launch of the US space shuttle Endeavour orbiter vehicle mission STS-49 includes me Kerry Wayne Burgess the United States Marine Corps officer and United States STS-49 pilot astronaut ) To 9/11/1998 is 2318 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 3/8/1972 ( Richard Nixon - Statement on Establishing a New System for Classification and Declassification of Government Documents Relating to National Security ) is 2318 days
From 1/17/1991 ( the date of record of my United States Navy Medal of Honor as Kerry Wayne Burgess chief warrant officer United States Marine Corps circa 1991 also known as Matthew Kline for official duty and also known as Wayne Newman for official duty & RACKETEER INFLUENCED AND CORRUPT ORGANIZATIONS US Title 18 - the Persian Gulf War begins as scheduled severe criminal activity against the United States of America ) To 9/11/1998 is 2794 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/27/1973 ( premiere US film "Live and Let Die" ) is 2794 days
From 1/17/1991 ( the date of record of my United States Navy Medal of Honor as Kerry Wayne Burgess chief warrant officer United States Marine Corps circa 1991 also known as Matthew Kline for official duty and also known as Wayne Newman for official duty & RACKETEER INFLUENCED AND CORRUPT ORGANIZATIONS US Title 18 - the Persian Gulf War begins as scheduled severe criminal activity against the United States of America ) To 9/11/1998 is 2794 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/27/1973 ( premiere US film "Live and Let Die" ) is 2794 days
From 12/20/1994 ( in Bosnia as Kerry Wayne Burgess the United States Marine Corps captain this day is my United States Navy Cross medal date of record ) To 9/11/1998 is 1361 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 7/25/1969 ( the so-called Nixon Doctrine is announced ) is 1361 days
From 2/10/1962 ( the United States of America Central Intelligence Agency pilot Gary Powers is released from Soviet Union prison and returned to United States control ) To 12/20/1994 ( in Bosnia as Kerry Wayne Burgess the United States Marine Corps captain this day is my United States Navy Cross medal date of record ) is 12001 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 9/11/1998 is 12001 days
From 4/9/1986 ( --- ) To 9/11/1998 is 4538 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 4/6/1978 ( Jimmy Carter - Age Discrimination in Employment Act Amendments of 1978 Remarks on Signing H.R. 5383 Into Law ) is 4538 days
From 4/11/1951 ( Harry Truman - Statement and Order by the President on Relieving General MacArthur of His Commands ) To 9/11/1998 is 17320 days
17320 = 8660 + 8660
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 7/19/1989 ( Bill Gates-Microsoft-George Bush kills 111 passengers and crew of United Airlines Flight 232 and destroys the United Airlines Flight 232 aircraft because I was a passenger of United Airlines Flight 232 as United States Navy Petty Officer Second Class Kerry Wayne Burgess and I was assigned to maintain custody of a non-violent offender military prisoner of the United States ) is 8660 days
From 9/4/1976 ( George Walker Bush the purveyor of illegal drugs strictly for his personal profit including the trafficking of massive amounts of cocaine into the United States arrested again by police in the United States ) To 9/11/1998 is 8042 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 11/9/1987 ( Ronald Reagan - Statement on Nuclear Testing Limitations ) is 8042 days
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0123755/releaseinfo
IMDb
Cube (1997)
Release Info
USA 16 January 1998 (Sundance Film Festival)
USA 11 September 1998 (limited)
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=cube
Springfield! Springfield!
Cube (1997)
do you have any idea
how many variables
i have to consider
before i can decipher
numbers this size?
they don't reveal
themselves right away.
they're like people.
leaven: oh, gross!
[ moaning ]
oh, not here, honey.
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=1947
The American Presidency Project
Richard Nixon
XXXVII President of the United States: 1969-1974
104 - Message to the Senate Transmitting Conventions for the Protection of Intellectual and Industrial Property.
March 12, 1969
To the Senate of the United States:
I transmit herewith, for the advice and consent of the Senate to ratification, (1) a copy of the Convention Establishing the World Intellectual Property Organization, signed at Stockholm on July 14, 1967, and (2) a copy of the Paris Convention for the Protection of Industrial Property, as revised at Stockholm on July 14, 1967. I transmit also, for the information of the Senate, the report of the Secretary of State with respect to the Conventions.
The Conventions remained open for signature until January 13, 1968. During that period the Convention Establishing the World Intellectual Property Organization was signed on behalf of 51 States, including the United States, and the Paris Convention was signed on behalf of 46 States, including the United States. Both Conventions remain open for accession.
(1) Convention Establishing a World Intellectual Property Organization. Two significant services will be rendered by the new organization. First, it will provide a coordinated administration for the various intellectual property Unions presently administered by the Secretariat, the United International Bureaus for the Protection of Intellectual Property, and through such administration, render an economical and efficient service to the Member States and the interests protected by the Unions. Second, it will promote the protection of intellectual property, not only for Member States of the intellectual property Unions, but also for the states which, while not members of the Unions, are parties to the World Intellectual Property Organization Convention. This is of particular importance since a forum will thus be provided for the advancement of industrial property and copyright protection on a worldwide basis.
(2) Revision of the Paris Convention For the Protection of Industrial Property. Administrative and structural reforms in the Paris Convention have long been overdue, and the modernization of the Union which has been accomplished by the Stockholm revision will be of importance in expanding the protection of industrial property.
A limited amendment to one substantive provision of the Paris Convention was also effected at the Conference. This amendment would accord to applications for inventors' certificates of the Eastern European countries the right of priority presently accorded to patent applications, provided that the Eastern European countries maintain a dual system of both inventors' certificates and patents and that both are available to foreign nationals. Inclusion of this provision is considered helpful to furthering industrial property relations with Eastern European countries.
The Stockholm Act of the Paris Convention and the World Intellectual Property Organization Convention will make a significant contribution to the protection of the foreign intellectual property rights of American nationals. I recommend that the Senate give early and favorable consideration to the Conventions submitted herewith and give its advice and consent to their ratifications.
RICHARD NIXON
The White House
March 12, 1969
http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/the-nixon-doctrine-is-announced/print
HISTORY
JULY 25, 1969 : THE NIXON DOCTRINE IS ANNOUNCED
President Richard Nixon announces that henceforth the United States will expect its Asian allies to tend to their own military defense. The Nixon Doctrine, as the president’s statement came to be known, clearly indicated his determination to “Vietnamize” the Vietnam War.
When Richard Nixon took office in early 1969, the United States had been at war in Vietnam for nearly four years. The bloody conflict had already claimed the lives of more than 25,000 American troops and countless Vietnamese. Despite its best efforts, the United States was no closer to victory than before. At home, antiwar protesters were a constant presence in American cities and on college campuses. Nixon campaigned in 1968 with the promise of “peace with honor” in Vietnam. In July 1969, an important part of his plan for Vietnam became evident. During a stopover in Guam during a multination tour, the president issued a statement. It was time, he declared, for the United States to be “quite emphatic on two points” in dealing with its Asian allies. First, he assured America’s friends in Asia that “We will keep our treaty commitments.” However, “as far as the problems of military defense, except for the threat of a major power involving nuclear weapons,” the United States would be adopting a different stance. In relation to military defense, America would now “encourage and has a right to expect that this problem will be increasingly handled by, and the responsibility for it taken by, the Asian nations themselves.” He concluded that his recent talks with several Asian leaders indicated, “They are going to be willing to undertake this responsibility.”
The Nixon Doctrine marked the formal announcement of the president’s “Vietnamization” plan, whereby American troops would be slowly withdrawn from the conflict in Southeast Asia and be replaced by South Vietnamese troops. Over the course of his first term in office, Nixon held true to this doctrine by withdrawing a substantial portion of America’s fighting forces from Vietnam. In 1973, the United States and North Vietnam signed a peace treaty formally bringing the Vietnam War to a conclusion. Two years later, North Vietnamese forces crushed the South Vietnamese army and succeeded in reuniting the divided country under a communist regime.
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=cube
Springfield! Springfield!
Cube (1997)
listen.
he hasn't moved far.
i'll go find him.
what do you think?
you don't have a
lot of lives left.
2016_Nk20_DSCN0078.JPG
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=cube
Springfield! Springfield!
Cube (1997)
holloway had outside information about my family.
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=33669
The American Presidency Project
Ronald Reagan
XL President of the United States: 1981 - 1989
Statement on Nuclear Testing Limitations
November 9, 1987
Today in Geneva the United States and the Soviet Union will begin formal, stage-by-stage negotiations on nuclear testing. I have long advocated a logical approach to nuclear testing limitations which preserves our national security interests while achieving verifiable agreements with the Soviet Union. I am gratified that we have now agreed on this step-by-step approach.
As a first step, the United States and the Soviet Union will negotiate improved verification measures for two existing but unratified nuclear testing treaties, the Threshold Test Ban Treaty and the Peaceful Nuclear Explosions Treaty. Once our verification concerns have been satisfied and the treaties ratified, we will propose that the United States and the Soviet Union immediately enter into negotiations on ways to implement a step-by-step program—in association with a program to reduce and ultimately eliminate all nuclear weapons—of limiting and ultimately ending nuclear testing.
It is important to recall at this time that our nuclear deterrent has for over 40 years kept the peace. As successful as this policy has been, I believe we cannot be content for the indefinite future with a deterrence relationship based exclusively on the threat of offensive retaliation. We must continue our search through our Strategic Defense Initiative for a means of deterring aggression through increased reliance on defenses that threaten no one.
For as long as we must continue to rely on nuclear weapons for our security, however, we must ensure that those weapons are safe, secure, reliable, effective, and survivable—in other words, that our nuclear deterrent remains credible. This requires nuclear testing, as permitted by existing treaties. It is only within the context of decreasing reliance on nuclear weapons that we can look forward to a time when our needs for nuclear testing would also decrease. That is my objective and one the United States is prepared to work energetically toward.
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=cube
Springfield! Springfield!
Cube (1997)
you haven't done anything. all you did was freak out, you... murderer! [ sobbing ]
JOURNAL ARCHIVE: 05/08/07 9:37 AM
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Moon_%26_Antarctica
Released June 13, 2000
The Moon & Antarctica is the third full-length album by indie rock band Modest Mouse, first released by Epic Records on June 13, 2000.
The album was the band's first release on a major label and was released on both compact disc and vinyl LP.
It was praised by critics and fans alike for its in-depth discussion of such dense subject matter, as well as frontman Isaac Brock's clever and introspective lyrics, and how. The Moon & Antarctica was also hailed for being an expansion of the band's unique sound. This was due both to the band's new major label tools as well as the production of Brian Deck.
All songs written by Isaac Brock and Modest Mouse, with tracks 10 and 13 written exclusively by Brock (words and music).
"3rd Planet" – 3:59
"Gravity Rides Everything" – 4:20
"Dark Center of the Universe" – 5:03
"Perfect Disguise" – 2:32
"Tiny Cities Made of Ashes" – 3:14
"A Different City" – 2:55
"The Cold Part" – 5:01
"Alone Down There" – 2:22
"The Stars Are Projectors" – 8:46
"Wild Packs of Family Dogs" – 1:45
"Paper Thin Walls" – 3:01
"I Came as a Rat" – 3:47
"Lives" – 3:18
"Life Like Weeds" – 6:31
"What People Are Made of" – 2:14
[JOURNAL ARCHIVE 08 May 2007 excerpt ends]
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0123755/taglines
IMDb
Cube (1997)
Taglines
The Walls Are Closing In.
2016_Nk20_DSCN0076.JPG
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/1a/STS-49_crew.jpg
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=3762
The American Presidency Project
Richard Nixon
XXXVII President of the United States: 1969 - 1974
79 - Statement on Establishing a New System for Classification and Declassification of Government Documents Relating to National Security.
March 8, 1972
I HAVE today signed an Executive order [11652] establishing a new, more progressive system for classification and declassification of Government documents relating to national security. This reform springs from a review that I initiated almost 14 months ago and represents the first major overhaul of our classification procedures since 1953.
By a separate action, I have also directed the Secretary of State to accelerate publication of the official documentary series, "Foreign Relations of the United States," so that historians and others will have more rapid access to papers created after World War II.
Both of these actions are designed to lift the veil of secrecy which now enshrouds altogether too many papers written by employees of the Federal establishment and to do so without jeopardizing any of our legitimate defense or foreign policy interests.
SHORTCOMINGS OF PRESENT CLASSIFICATION SYSTEM
Unfortunately, the system of classification which has evolved in the United States has failed to meet the standards of an open and democratic society, allowing too many papers to be classified for too long a time. The controls which have been imposed on classification authority have proved unworkable, and classification has frequently served to conceal bureaucratic mistakes or to prevent embarrassment to officials and administrations.
Once locked away in Government files, these papers have accumulated in enormous quantities and have become hidden from public exposure for years, for decades--even for generations. It is estimated that the National Archives now has 160 million pages of classified documents from World War II and over 300 million pages of classified documents for the years 1946 through 1954.
The many abuses of the security system can no longer be tolerated. Fundamental to our way of life is the belief that when information which properly belongs to the public is systematically withheld by those in power, the people soon become ignorant of their own affairs, distrustful of those who manage them, and---eventually-incapable of determining their own destinies.
Yet since the early days of the Republic, Americans have also recognized that the Federal Government is obliged to protect certain information which might otherwise jeopardize the security of the country. That need has become particularly acute in recent years as the United States has assumed a powerful position in world affairs, and as world peace has come to depend in large part on how that position is safeguarded. We are also moving into an era of delicate negotiations in which it will be especially important that governments be able to communicate in confidence.
Clearly, the two principles of an informed public and of confidentiality within the Government are irreconcilable in their purest forms, and a balance must be struck between them.
REVIEW ORDERED IN JANUARY 1971
In order to strike that balance in favor of more complete public disclosure and in keeping with my pledge to create an open Administration, I directed on January 15, 1971, that a review be made of security classification procedures now in effect. An interagency committee was set up to study the existing system, to make recommendations with respect to its operation, and to propose steps that might be taken to provide speedier declassification. I later directed that the scope of the review be expanded to cover all aspects of information security.
The Executive order I have signed today is based upon the results of this study, as well as on our own operational experiences under current rules, on findings of similar studies in the past growing out of Congressional hearings, and on a reexamination of the rationale underlying the Freedom of Information Act.
BASIS FOR OPTIMISM
We cannot be assured of complete success in this endeavor. In such a complex field, rules can never be airtight and we must rely upon the good judgment of individuals throughout the Government. Yet I believe that our new approach does provide a basis for considerable optimism. The full force of my office has been committed to this endeavor. The rules have been tightened with great care. In addition, in a critically important shift, we have reversed the burden of proof: For the first time, we are placing that burden-and even the threat of administrative sanction--upon those who wish to preserve the secrecy of documents, rather than upon those who wish to declassify them after a reasonable time.
The new system will become effective on June I, 1972. Among its most significant features are these:
--The rules for classifying documents are more restrictive.
--The number of departments and people who can originally classify information has been substantially reduced.
--Timetables ranging from 6 to 10 years have been set for the automatic declassification of documents. Exceptions will be allowed only for such information as falls within four specifically defined categories.
--Any document exempted from automatic declassification will be subject to mandatory review after a 10-year period. Thus, for the first time, a private citizen is given a clear right to have national security information reviewed on the basis of specified criteria to determine if continued classification is warranted, so long as the document can be adequately identified and obtained by the Government with a reasonable amount of effort.
--If information is still classified 30 years after origination, it will then be automatically declassified unless the head of the originating department determines in writing that its continued protection is still necessary and he sets a time for declassification.
--Sanctions may be imposed upon those who abuse the system.
--And a continuing monitoring process will be set up under the National Security Council and an Interagency Classification Review Committee, whose Chairman is to be appointed by the President.
These rules are explained in greater detail below.
ELEMENTS OF THE NEW SYSTEM
1. Tighter Rules for Classification.
Under the new order, materials can be classified Top Secret, Secret, or Confidential only if their unauthorized disclosure "could reasonably be expected" to cause, respectively, exceptionally grave damage, serious damage, or damage to the national security. Heretofore, material could be classified if the originator had any expectation of such damage however remote. This new test is intended to reduce the amount of protected information. In addition, the order explicitly directs that the "Top Secret" stamp must be used with "utmost restraint" while "Secret" shall be used "sparingly."
2. Reduction in Classification Authority.
The new order also substantially reduces the number of agencies in the Government authorized to classify information and material. Under current rules, 24 Federal departments and agencies outside the Executive office of the President have broad classification authority, while several others have more restricted powers. Under the new system, only 12 departments and agencies and such offices in the Executive office as the President may designate will have authority to originally classify information "Top Secret" and 13 others will have authority to stamp materials "Secret" and "Confidential."
In the principal departments concerned with national security, namely State, Defense, and the CIA, the number of individuals who may be authorized to classify material "Top Secret" is also drastically reduced from 5,100 to approximately 1,860. This authority may be exercised only by the heads of the departments and agencies and certain high officials within their organizations whom the heads must designate in writing. Reductions in classification authority are also being made at the "Secret" and "Confidential" levels.
It is anticipated that by reducing the number of agencies with classification powers as well as the number of people within those agencies who have personal classification authority, we can sharply reduce the quantity of material which enters the Government's classified files.
3. Precise Identification of Classified Information.
A major source of unnecessary classification under the old Executive order was the practical impossibility of discerning which portions of a classified document actually required classification. Incorporation of any material from a classified paper into another document usually resulted in the classification of the new document, and innocuous portions of neither paper could be released.
To the extent practicable, each classified document under the new system will be marked to show which portions are classified, at what level, and which portions are unclassified.
4. Rules for Declassifying Documents.
Perhaps the most innovative and crucial aspect of the Executive order I have signed today is the procedure it establishes for the downgrading and declassification of documents. Aside from a small mount of documents which are subject to declassification after a 12-year period as specified by existing regulations, the vast majority of documents classified since World War II have never been given a rigorous declassification review and they remain classified to this day. I believe we can cure these ills under the new order.
A. Documents Classified After May 31, 1972
Unless specifically exempted, all documents classified after May 31, 1972, are to be automatically downgraded and declassified. "Top Secret" information is to be downgraded to "Secret" after 2 years, to "Confidential" after 2 more years, and declassified after a total of 10 years. "Secret" information is to be downgraded to "Confidential" after 2 years and declassified after a total of 8 years. "Confidential" documents are to be declassified after 6 years.
Information may be exempted from the automatic process only by an official with "Top Secret" classification authority and that official must specify in writing in which of four specific exemption categories the material falls and, where possible, he must also indicate when declassification will in fact occur. The four exemption categories are:
--Classified information furnished in confidence by a foreign government or international organization;
--Classified information covered by statute, or pertaining to cryptography, or disclosing intelligence sources or methods;
--Classified information disclosing a system, plan, installation, project or specific foreign relations matter the continued protection of which is essential to the national security;
--Classified information which, if disclosed, "would place a person in immediate jeopardy." The jeopardy intended here is physical harm, not personal embarrassment or discomfiture.
Upon request from anyone, including a member of the general public, exempted material is subject to mandatory review by the originating Department after 10 years from the date of origin so long as (a) the request describes the record with sufficient particularity that it may be identified, and (b) the record can be obtained with a reasonable amount of effort.
If material is still classified 30 years after the date of its original classification, it shall then be automatically declassified. Classification may be further extended only if the head of the originating Department personally determines in writing that its continued protection is essential to national security or that its disclosure would place a person in immediate jeopardy. In these instances--and I am encouraged to believe that they will be limited in number--the Department head must also specify the period of continued classification.
B. Documents Classified Before June 1,1972
Essentially these same standards will be applied to materials classified prior to the effective date of this order, but in view of their vast quantity, the 6-10 year rule for automatic declassification can only be applied to those documents already subject to a 12-year declassification under current procedures. All others will be subject to the mandatory review process at any time after 10 years from the date of origin, provided the particularity and reasonable effort tests are met. After 30 years all remaining classified information shall be systematically reviewed for declassification by the Archivist of the United States. The Archivist shall continue the protection of this material after the 30-year deadline only if the head of the originating Department so specifies in writing under conditions noted above.
This new responsibility for the Archivist is tailored to fit with Administration plans for an immediate and systematic declassification of World War II documents. On August 3, 1971, I asked the Congress for a supplemental appropriation of $636,000 so that we could begin this project under the direction of the National Archives and Records Service of the General Services Administration. The Congress has not yet responded to this request, but I am hopeful of action this year.
5. Sanctions Against Over-Classification.
Unlike the current system, in which officials find it in their own best interest to classify all materials of a questionable nature, I am hopeful that the new Executive order will encourage them to exercise their authority with restraint. The order explicitly states that information shall never be classified "in order to conceal inefficiency or administrative error . . .or to prevent for any other reason the release of information which does not require protection in the interest of national security." More than that, each agency is to provide a means of identifying the classifying authority for each document and each official is to be held personally responsible for the propriety of the classifications attributed to him. Repeated abuse of the process through excessive classification shall be grounds for administrative action.
6. Monitoring the New System.
Of critical importance to the effectiveness of my Executive order will be the new administrative machinery designed to ensure that its provisions are not allowed to become mere meaningless exhortations. The National Security Council will monitor compliance with the Executive order. In addition, the order creates a small Interagency Classification Review Committee with extensive powers to oversee agency implementation of the new system, and to take action on complaints both from within and from outside the Government on the administration of the order.
ACCELERATING PUBLICATION OF FOREIGN RELATIONS SERIES
My second action today was to direct an acceleration in the publication by the Department of State of the official documentary series, "Foreign Relations of the United States." Since 1861, that series has been an invaluable resource for historians and others interested in our past. For many years each publication contained documents written only a few years before, but soon after the Second World War, when Government files were bulging with war papers, a 20-year lag developed between origination and publication. Now, however, the lag has stretched to 26 years and the Department of State is presently publishing materials relating to events of 1946. This delay is too long, and I have directed the Secretary of State to institute immediately a program to reduce this time lag to 20 years, and to accomplish this mission within 3 years. I have also instructed the Secretary of Defense, the Director of Central Intelligence, and my Assistant for National Security Affairs to cooperate fully with this effort.
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=cube
Springfield! Springfield!
Cube (1997)
you don't know
her, quentin.
none of us know
each other here.
oh... i do.
no, you don't!
no wonder your wife left you.
all that bottled up anger.
and a thing for young girls.
2016_Nk20_DSCN0075.JPG
JOURNAL ARCHIVE: posted by H.V.O.M at 12:01 PM Saturday, May 05, 2007 - http://hvom.blogspot.com/2007/05/lily.html
http://www.lyricsfreak.com/o/oingo+boingo/just+another+day_20102758.html
Just Another Day
(theres life underground)
I feel it all around / I feel it in my bones
My life is on the line / when Im away from home
When I step out the door / the jungle is alive
I do not trust my ears / I dont believe my eyes
I will not fall in love / I cannot risk the bet
Cause hearts are fragile toys / so easy to forget
Its just another day / theres murder in the air
It drags me when I walk / I smell it everywhere
Its just another day / where people cling to light
To drive away the fear / that comes with every night
Chorus
Its just another . . . . . . . its just another day
Its just another . . . . . . . its just another day . . .
Its just another day--when people wake from dreams
With voices in their ears--that will not go away
I had a dream last night / the world was set on fire
And everywhere I ran / there wasnt any water
The temperature increased / the sky was crimson red
The clouds turned into smoke / and everyone was dead
(but) theres a smile on my face . . . for everyone
Theres a golden coin . . . that reflects the sun
Theres a lonely place . . . thats always cold
Theres a place in the stars . . . for when you get old
Theres razors in my bed / that come out late at night
They always disappear / before the morning light
Im dreaming again / of life underground
It doesnt ever move / it doesnt make a sound
And just when I think--that things are in their place
The heavens are secure--the whole thing explodes in my face
[JOURNAL ARCHIVE 05 May 2007 excerpt ends]
JOURNAL ARCHIVE: 11/8/2006 9:30 AM
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pete_Conrad
Charles "Pete" Conrad, Jr. (June 2, 1930 – July 8, 1999), was an American astronaut and the third man to walk on the moon.
[JOURNAL ARCHIVE 08 November 2006 excerpt ends]
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=cube
Springfield! Springfield!
Cube (1997)
does anybody remember how they got here?
- posted by H.V.O.M - Kerry Wayne Burgess 12:24 AM Pacific Time Spokane Valley Washington USA Monday 04 January 2016
