http://www.excite.com/tv/prog.jsp?id=EP013240020127&s=201611132000&sid=78836&sn=AMCPHD&st=201611132100&cn=697
excite tv
The Walking Dead (New)
697 AMCPHD: Sunday, November 13 9:00 PM [ 9:00 PM Sunday 13 November 2016 Pacific Time USA ]
Drama, Horror, Science fiction
Service
The remaining members of the group try to keep it together in Alexandria; they receive a sobering visit.
Cast: Andrew Lincoln, Chandler Riggs, Norman Reedus, Melissa McBride, Lauren Cohan, Danai Gurira, Lennie James, Sonequa Martin-Green, Alanna Masterson, Josh McDermitt, Christian Serratos, Jeffrey Dean Morgan Executive Producer(s): Frank Darabont, Robert Kirkman, Gale Anne Hurd, David Alpert, Greg Nicotero, Tom Luse, Scott M. Gimple
Original Air Date: Nov 13, 2016
http://www.excite.com/tv/prog.jsp?id=MV001177450000&s=201611140000&sid=17124&sn=STZENAP&st=201611132355&cn=529
excite tv
Reign of Fire (2002)
529 STZENAP: Sunday, November 13 11:55 PM [ 11:55 PM Sunday 13 November 2016 Pacific Time USA ]
2002, PG-13, **1/2, 01:41, Color, English, United States,
A hotshot American (Matthew McConaughey) and a firefighter (Christian Bale) unite to fight a horde of dragons in post-apocalyptic London.
Cast: Christian Bale, Matthew McConaughey, Izabella Scorupco, Gerard Butler, David Kennedy, Alexander Siddig, Ned Dennehy, Rory Keenan, Terence Maynard, Ben Thornton, Alice Krige, Chris Kelly Director(s): Rob Bowman Producer(s): Roger Birnbaum, Gary Barber, Richard D. Zanuck, Lili Fini Zanuck Executive Producer(s): Jonathan Glickman
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=reign-of-fire
Springfield! Springfield!
Reign Of Fire (2002)
The volunteer section of this campaign's now over. It's time for the draft.
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=reign-of-fire
Springfield! Springfield!
Reign Of Fire (2002)
Nukes must have done this.
Nukes didn't do this.
Should we set
the triangulators?
No time.
Man the 50-cal,
lock and load,
cut the engines,
and take your positions.
You heard him!
Lock and load!
...Let's move! Let's move!
I think it's playing
with us.
It's not playing with us.
It's setting us up.
1911913_10151998525210963_1439752073_n.jpg
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=reign-of-fire
Springfield! Springfield!
Reign Of Fire (2002)
"Join me,"
the black knight says,
"then we can end
this conflict forever. "
Never!
Aah!
"I'll never join you,"
the white knight says.
"You killed my father. "
Aah!
Aah!
Creedy!
The black knight stares through
the holes in his shiny mask,
and he speaks words that burn
into our hero's heart forever.
"I... am your father. "
No!
From 7/9/2002 To 9/14/2002 ( at Overlake hospital in Bellevue Washington State the announced birth of Phoebe Gates the daughter of Microsoft Bill Gates the transvestite and Microsoft Bill Gates the 100% female gender as born to brother-sister sibling parents and Microsoft Bill Gates the Soviet Union prostitute and Phoebe Gates is the biological offspring of William Gates II ) is 67 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 1/8/1966 ( the United States Navy warship USS Wainwright DLG 28 commissioned into United States Navy battle force fleet active service - arriving 09 July 1987 and departing the USS Wainwright CG 28 on 27 February 1990 as United States Navy Fire Controlman Petty Officer 2nd Class Kerry Wayne Burgess the Wainwright was my 2nd United States Navy fleet assignment ) is 67 days
From 12/7/1998 ( my first day working at Microsoft Corporation as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and the active duty United States Marine Corps lieutenant colonel circa 1998 ) To 7/9/2002 is 1310 days
1310 = 655 + 655
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 8/19/1967 ( Satya Nadella ) is 655 days
From 2/8/1952 ( premiere US film "Buffalo Bill in Tomahawk Territory" ) To 7/9/2002 is 18414 days
18414 = 9207 + 9207
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 1/17/1991 ( the date of record of my United States Navy Medal of Honor as Kerry Wayne Burgess chief warrant officer United States Marine Corps circa 1991 also known as Matthew Kline for official duty and also known as Wayne Newman for official duty ) is 9207 days
From 2/8/1952 ( premiere US film "Buffalo Bill in Tomahawk Territory" ) To 7/9/2002 is 18414 days
18414 = 9207 + 9207
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 1/17/1991 ( RACKETEER INFLUENCED AND CORRUPT ORGANIZATIONS US Title 18 - the Persian Gulf War begins as scheduled severe criminal activity against the United States of America ) is 9207 days
From 7/19/1989 ( the United Airlines Flight 232 crash ) To 7/9/2002 is 4738 days
4738 = 2369 + 2369
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 4/28/1972 ( Richard Nixon - Statement About the Status of Women Within the Administration ) is 2369 days
From 10/15/1951 ( premiere US TV series "I Love Lucy"::series premiere episode "The Girls Want to Go to the Nightclub" ) To 7/9/2002 is 18530 days
18530 = 9265 + 9265
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 3/16/1991 ( my first successful major test of my ultraspace matter transportation device as Kerry Wayne Burgess the successful Ph.D. graduate Columbia South Carolina ) is 9265 days
From 12/26/1918 ( Woodrow Wilson - Remarks at Dover, England ) To 5/7/1992 ( the first launch of the US space shuttle Endeavour orbiter vehicle mission STS-49 includes me Kerry Wayne Burgess the United States Marine Corps officer and United States STS-49 pilot astronaut ) is 26796 days
26796 = 13398 + 13398
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 7/9/2002 is 13398 days
From 12/20/1994 ( in Bosnia as Kerry Wayne Burgess the United States Marine Corps captain this day is my United States Navy Cross medal date of record ) To 7/9/2002 is 2758 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 5/22/1973 ( Richard Nixon - Statements About the Watergate Investigations ) is 2758 days
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0253556/releaseinfo
IMDb
Reign of Fire (2002)
Release Info
USA 9 July 2002 (premiere)
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0253556/fullcredits
IMDb
Reign of Fire (2002)
Full Cast & Crew
Matthew McConaughey ... Denton Van Zan
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Satya-Nadella
Encyclopædia Britannica
Satya Nadella
INDIAN-BORN BUSINESS EXECUTIVE
Satya Nadella, in full Satya Narayana Nadella (born August 19, 1967, Hyderabad, India) Indian-born business executive who was CEO of the computer-software company Microsoft (2014– ).
Nadella grew up in the southern Indian city of Hyderabad and studied electrical engineering at Mangalore University (B.Sc., 1988). After moving to the United States, he completed (1990) a master’s degree in computer science at the University of Wisconsin at Milwaukee and went to work at Sun Microsystems, Inc., as a member of its technology staff. He was lured away from Sun in 1992 to join Microsoft, where he initially worked on the development of Windows NT, a landmark operating system that was aimed primarily at business users. While working full-time at Microsoft, Nadella also earned (1997) a master’s degree in business administration from the University of Chicago.
Nadella rose steadily through the ranks of Microsoft management. By 1999 he had been named vice president of the Microsoft bCentral small-business service, and two years later he became corporate vice president of Microsoft Business Solutions. In 2007 he was elevated to senior vice president of research and development for the company’s online services division, and he later served (2011–13) as president of Microsoft’s server and tools business, which annually generated some $19 billion in revenue. Nadella was also executive vice president in charge of the company’s cloud computing platform, which provided the infrastructure for such Microsoft offerings as the online search engine Bing, the Xbox Live broadband gaming network, and the Office 365 subscription-based services.
On February 4, 2014, Nadella became CEO of Microsoft, just the third person to hold the office in the company’s nearly 40-year history, after company cofounder Bill Gates and Steve Ballmer. One of Nadella’s first major tasks was overseeing the completion of Microsoft’s $7.2 billion acquisition of Nokia Corp.’s mobile-device business, a transaction that had been announced in 2013 despite the reservations of various Microsoft executives, one of whom reportedly was Nadella. Shortly after the deal closed in April 2014, he announced the largest layoff in Microsoft’s history; 18,000 positions were eliminated, the majority of which involved Nokia.
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=reign-of-fire
Springfield! Springfield!
Reign Of Fire (2002)
Alex, tell him.
...Did you see the one we brought
down, the big bull? ... Yeah.
Well, it wasn't.
It was a female.
There was at least one egg,
probably more.
We've hit over 200 of them,
and as far as we can tell,
they're all females.
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0253556/quotes
IMDb
Reign of Fire (2002)
Quotes
[referring to the dragons]
Denton Van Zan: Ever see a male?
Quinn Abercromby: When I'm running for my life I generally don't look back at the plumbing.
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0044455/releaseinfo
IMDb
Buffalo Bill in Tomahawk Territory (1952)
Release Info
USA 8 February 1952
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0044455/fullcredits
IMDb
Buffalo Bill in Tomahawk Territory (1952)
Full Cast & Crew
Clayton Moore ... Buffalo Bill Cody
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=reign-of-fire
Springfield! Springfield!
Reign Of Fire (2002)
We have to outlast them.
Only one species is getting
out of this alive.
Hey, Quinn!
Come and have a look
at this!
It's a straight drop now
from the water tower.
You just pull the plug,
hits the walls.
Don't care about the specs,
Jerry.
can it take it?
Yeah. Course it can.
Remember, I used to build
blast furnaces for a living.
I know all about fire.
Of course you do.
Sorry, mate.
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d0/USS_Wainwright_(CG-28).jpg
[ See also: http://hvom.blogspot.com/2016/10/red-planet-2000.html ]
http://www.nvr.navy.mil/nvrships/details/CG28.htm
NVR
Naval Vessel Register
WAINWRIGHT (CG 28)
GUIDED MISSILE CRUISER
Class: CG 26
Status: Disposed of in support of Fleet training exercise
Award Date: 05/18/1961
Keel Date: 07/02/1962
Launch Date: 04/25/1964
Commission Date: 01/08/1966
Decommission Date: 11/15/1993
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=reign-of-fire
Springfield! Springfield!
Reign Of Fire (2002)
I just brewed a fresh pot, if
that's what you're looking for.
A whetstone, actually.
Sure.
Is that your son?
No.
Got him from the pound.
Hmm. Is that where you
get all your children?
http://www.oocities.org/elzj78/bsgminiseries.html
BATTLESTAR GALACTICA: Miniseries [ Monday 08 December 2003 USA ]
Baltar: I'm trying to figure out how you managed to pull this kind of an attack. You virtually shut down the entire defense network without firing a shot.
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=reign-of-fire
Springfield! Springfield!
Reign Of Fire (2002)
Alvarez, can you confirm
that it is down?
Copy that!
Negative! It's on me!
http://www.boeing.com/assets/images/rotorcraft/military/ah64d/images/AH-64D_DVD-1098-2_375x300.jpg
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=reign-of-fire
Springfield! Springfield!
Reign Of Fire (2002)
Push!
Ugh!
Agh!
Back away!
You were right.
http://www.tv.com/shows/i-love-lucy/the-girls-want-to-go-to-a-nightclub-13727/
tv.com
I Love Lucy Season 1 Episode 1
The Girls Want To Go To a Nightclub
Aired Monday 9:00 PM Oct 15, 1951 on CBS
AIRED: 10/15/51
http://www.azlyrics.com/m/modestmouse.html
AZ
MODEST MOUSE
album: "We Were Dead Before The Ship Even Sank" (2007)
http://www.azlyrics.com/lyrics/modestmouse/dashboard.html
AZ
MODEST MOUSE
"Dashboard"
Now here we go!
Well we scheme and we scheme but we always blow it
We've yet to crash, but we still might as well tow it
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0253556/quotes
IMDb
Reign of Fire (2002)
Quotes
Creedy: Marauders. Years since we've seen them. Well, look at the bright side - at least we're not alone.
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=reign-of-fire
Springfield! Springfield!
Reign Of Fire (2002)
He's a dragon slayer!
Oh, he's a dragon slayer.
Oh, good.
And I suppose that makes you
King Arthur, does it?
Christ Almighty, Quinn.
I mean,
even if you believe that,
and you'd have to be
an imbecile,
...do you not think we'd be easy meat
for these guys? ... You weren't there.
Look at this guy.
Look. Look.
I mean, he looks like...
like a... like a rogue Marine.
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0253556/quotes
IMDb
Reign of Fire (2002)
Quotes
Creedy: Only one thing worse than a dragon... Americans.
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=reign-of-fire
Springfield! Springfield!
Reign Of Fire (2002)
Who's in charge?!
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/57/Navy_Cross.png
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=reign-of-fire
Springfield! Springfield!
Reign Of Fire (2002)
Don't be a fool. We can do this easy... or we can do it real easy.
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=3855
The American Presidency Project
Richard Nixon
XXXVII President of the United States: 1969-1974
162 - Statements About the Watergate Investigations.
May 22, 1973
RECENT news accounts growing out of testimony in the Watergate investigations have given grossly misleading impressions of many of the facts, as they relate both to my own role and to certain unrelated activities involving national security.
Already, on the basis of second- and third-hand hearsay testimony by persons either convicted or themselves under investigation in the case, I have found myself accused of involvement in activities I never heard of until I read about them in news accounts.
These impressions could also lead to a serious misunderstanding of those national security activities which, though totally unrelated to Watergate, have become entangled in the case. They could lead to further compromise of sensitive national security information.
I will not abandon my responsibilities. I will continue to do the job I was elected to do.
In the accompanying statement, I have set forth the facts as I know them as they relate to my own role.
With regard to the specific allegations that have been made, I can and do state categorically:
1. I had no prior knowledge of the Watergate operation.
2. I took no part in, nor was I aware of, any subsequent efforts that may have been made to cover up Watergate.
3. At no time did I authorize any offer of executive clemency for the Watergate defendants, nor did I know of any such offer.
4. I did not know, until the time of my own investigation, of any effort to provide the Watergate defendants with funds.
5. At no time did I attempt, or did I authorize others to attempt, to implicate the CIA in the Watergate matter.
6. It was not until the time of my own investigation that I learned of the break-in at the office of Mr. Ellsberg's psychiatrist, and I specifically authorized the furnishing of this information to Judge Byrne.
7. I neither authorized nor encouraged subordinates to engage in illegal or improper campaign tactics.
In the accompanying statement, I have sought to provide the background that may place recent allegations in perspective. I have specifically stated that executive privilege will not be invoked as to any testimony concerning possible criminal conduct or discussions of possible criminal conduct, in the matters under investigation. I want the public to learn the truth about Watergate and those guilty of any illegal actions brought to justice.
Allegations surrounding the Watergate affair have so escalated that I feel a further statement from the President is required at this time.
A climate of sensationalism has developed in which even second- or third-hand hearsay charges are headlined as fact and repeated as fact.
Important national security operations which themselves had no connection with Watergate have become entangled in the case.
As a result, some national security information has already been made public through court orders, through the subpoenaing of documents, and through testimony witnesses have given in judicial and Congressional proceedings. Other sensitive documents are now threatened with disclosure. Continued silence about those ,operations would compromise rather than protect them and would also serve to perpetuate a grossly distorted view--which recent partial disclosures have given--of the nature and purpose of those operations.
The purpose of this statement is threefold:
--First, to set forth the facts about my own relationship to the Watergate matter;
--Second, to place in some perspective some of the more sensational--and inaccurate-of the charges that have filled the headlines in recent days, and also some of the matters that are currently being discussed in Senate testimony and elsewhere;
---Third, to draw the distinction between national security operations and the Watergate case. To put the other matters in perspective, it will be necessary to describe the national security operations first.
In citing these national security matters, it is not my intention to place a national security "cover" on Watergate, but rather to separate them out from Watergate--and at the same time to explain the context in which certain actions took place that were later misconstrued or misused.
Long before the Watergate break-in, three important national security operations took place which have subsequently become entangled in the Watergate case.
--The first operation, begun in 1969, was a program of wiretaps. All were legal, under the authorities then existing. They were undertaken to find and stop serious national security leaks.
--The second operation was a reassessment, which I ordered in 1970, of the adequacy of internal security measures. This resulted in a plan and a directive to strengthen our intelligence operations. They were protested by Mr. Hoover, and as a result of his protest, they were not put into effect.
--The third operation was the establishment, in 1971, of a Special Investigations Unit in the White House. Its primary mission was to plug leaks of vital security information. I also directed this group to prepare an accurate history of certain crucial national security matters which occurred under prior administrations, on which the Government's records were incomplete.
Here is the background of these three security operations initiated in my Administration.
1969 WIRETAPS
By mid-1969, my Administration had begun a number of highly sensitive foreign policy initiatives. They were aimed at ending the war in Vietnam, achieving a settlement in the Middle East, limiting nuclear arms, and establishing new relationships among the great powers. These involved highly secret diplomacy. They were closely interrelated. Leaks of secret information about any one could endanger all.
Exactly that happened. News accounts appeared in 1969, which were obviously based on leaks--some of them extensive and detailed--by people having access to the most highly classified security materials.
There was no way to carry forward these diplomatic initiatives unless further leaks could be prevented. This required finding the source of the leaks.
In order to do this, a special program of wiretaps was instituted in mid-1969 and terminated in February 1971. Fewer than 20 taps, of varying duration, were involved. They produced important leads that made it possible to tighten the security of highly sensitive materials. I authorized this entire program. Each individual tap was undertaken in accordance with procedures legal at the time and in accord with long-standing precedent.
The persons who were subject to these wiretaps were determined through coordination among the Director of the FBI, my Assistant for National Security Affairs, and the Attorney General. Those wiretapped were selected on the basis of access to the information leaked, material in security files, and evidence that developed as the inquiry proceeded.
Information thus obtained was made available to senior officials responsible for national security matters in order to curtail further leaks.
THE 1970 INTELLIGENCE PLAN
In the spring and summer of 1970, another security problem reached critical proportions. In March a wave of bombings and explosions struck college campuses and cities. There were 400 bomb threats in one 24-hour period in New York City. Rioting and violence on college campuses reached a new peak after the Cambodian operation and the tragedies at Kent State and Jackson State. The 1969-70 school year brought nearly 1,800 campus demonstrations and nearly 250 cases of arson on campus. Many colleges closed. Gun battles between guerrilla style groups and police were taking place. Some of the disruptive activities were receiving foreign support.
Complicating the task of maintaining security was the fact that, in 1966, certain types of undercover FBI operations that had been conducted for many years had been suspended. This also had substantially impaired our ability to collect foreign intelligence information. At the same time, the relationships between the FBI and other intelligence agencies had been deteriorating. By May 1970, FBI Director Hoover shut off his agency's liaison with the CIA altogether.
On June 5, 1970, I met with the Director of the FBI (Mr. Hoover), the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (Mr. Richard Helms), the Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency (Gen. Donald V. Bennett), and the Director of the National Security Agency (Adm. Noel Gayler). We discussed the urgent need for better intelligence operations. I appointed Director Hoover as chairman of an interagency committee to prepare recommendations.
On June 25, the committee submitted a report which included specific options for expanded intelligence operations, and on July 23 the agencies were notified by memorandum of the options approved. After reconsideration, however, prompted by the opposition of Director Hoover, the agencies were notified 5 days later, on July 28, that the approval had been rescinded. The options initially approved had included resumption of certain intelligence operations which had been suspended in 1966. These in turn had include authorization for surreptitious entry--breaking and entering, in effect-on specified categories of targets in specified situations related to national security.
Because the approval was withdrawn before it had been implemented, the net result was that the plan for expanded intelligence activities never went into effect.
The documents spelling out this 1970 plan are extremely sensitive. They include-and are based upon--assessments of certain foreign intelligence capabilities and procedures, which of course must remain secret. It was this unused plan and related documents that John Dean removed from the White House and placed in a safe deposit box, giving the keys to Judge Sirica. The same plan, still unused, is being headlined today.
Coordination among our intelligence agencies continued to fall short of our national security needs. In July 1970, having earlier discontinued the FBI's liaison with the CIA, Director Hoover ended the FBI's normal liaison with all other agencies except the White House. To help remedy this, an Intelligence Evaluation Committee was created in December 1970. Its members included representatives of the White House, CIA, FBI, NSA, the Departments of Justice, Treasury, and Defense, and the Secret Service.
The Intelligence Evaluation Committee and its staff were instructed to improve coordination among the intelligence community and to prepare evaluations and estimates of domestic intelligence. I understand that its activities are now under investigation. I did not authorize nor do I have any knowledge of any illegal activity by this Committee. If it went beyond its charter and did engage in any illegal activities, it was totally without my knowledge or authority.
THE SPECIAL INVESTIGATIONS UNIT
On Sunday, June 13, 1971, the New York Times published the first installment of what came to be known as "The Pentagon Papers." Not until a few hours before publication did any responsible Government official know that they had been stolen. Most officials did not know they existed. No senior official of the Government had read them or knew with certainty what they contained.
All the Government knew, at first, was that the papers comprised 47 volumes and some 7,000 pages, which had been taken from the most sensitive files of the Departments of State and Defense and the CIA, covering military and diplomatic moves in a war that was still going on.
Moreover, a majority of the documents published with the first three installments in the Times had not been included in the 47-volume study--raising serious questions about what and how much else might have been taken.
There was every reason to believe this was a security leak of unprecedented proportions.
It created a situation in which the ability of the Government to carry on foreign relations even in the best of circumstances could have been severely compromised. Other governments no longer knew whether they could deal with the United States in confidence. Against the background of the delicate negotiations the United States was then involved in on a number of fronts--with regard to Vietnam, China, the Middle East, nuclear arms limitations, U.S.-Soviet relations, and others--in which the utmost degree of confidentiality was vital, it posed a threat so grave as to require extraordinary actions.
Therefore during the week following the Pentagon Papers publication, I approved the creation of a Special Investigations Unit within the White House-which later came to be known as the "plumbers." This was a small group at the White House whose principal purpose was to stop security leaks and to investigate other sensitive security matters. I looked to John Ehrlichman for the supervision of this group.
Egil Krogh, Mr. Ehrlichman's assistant, was put in charge. David Young was added to this unit, as were E. Howard Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy.
The unit operated under extremely tight security rules. Its existence and functions were known only to a very few persons at the White House. These included Messrs. Haldeman, Ehrlichman, and Dean.
At about the time the unit was created, Daniel Ellsberg was identified as the person who had given the Pentagon Papers to the New York Times. I told Mr. Krogh that as a matter of first priority, the unit should find out all it could about Mr. Ellsberg's associates and his motives. Because of the extreme gravity of the situation, and not then knowing what additional national secrets Mr. Ellsberg might disclose, I did impress upon Mr. Krogh the vital importance to the national security of his assignment. I did not authorize and had no knowledge of any illegal means to be used to achieve this goal.
However, because of the emphasis I put on the crucial importance of protecting the national security, I can understand how highly motivated individuals could have felt justified in engaging in specific activities that I would have disapproved had they been brought to my attention.
Consequently, as President, I must and do assume responsibility for such actions despite the fact that I at no time approved or had knowledge of them.
I also assigned the unit a number of other investigatory matters, dealing in part with compiling an accurate record of events related to the Vietnam war, on which the Government's records were inadequate (many previous records having been removed with the change of administrations) and which bore directly on the negotiations then in progress. Additional assignments included tracing down other national security leaks, including one that seriously compromised the U.S. negotiating position in the SALT talks.
The work of the unit tapered off around the end of 1971. The nature of its work was such that it involved matters that, from a national security standpoint, were highly sensitive then and remain so today.
These intelligence activities had no connection with the break-in of the Democratic headquarters, or the aftermath.
I considered it my responsibility to see that the Watergate investigation did not impinge adversely upon the national security area. For example, on April 18, 1973, when I learned that Mr. Hunt, a former member of the Special Investigations Unit at the White House, was to be questioned by the U.S. Attorney, I directed Assistant Attorney General Petersen to pursue every issue involving Watergate but to confine his investigation to Watergate and related matters and to stay out of national security matters. Subsequently, on April 25, 1973, Attorney General Kleindienst informed me that because the Government had clear evidence that Mr. Hunt was involved in the break-in of the office of the psychiatrist who had treated Mr. Ellsberg, he, the Attorney General, believed that despite the fact that no evidence had been obtained from Hunt's acts, a report should nevertheless be made to the court trying the Ellsberg case. I concurred, and directed that the information be transmitted to Judge Byrne immediately.
WATERGATE
The burglary and bugging of the Democratic National Committee headquarters came as a complete surprise to me. I had no inkling that any such illegal activities had been planned by persons associated with my campaign; if I had known, I would not have permitted it. My immediate reaction was that those guilty should be brought to justice, and, with the five burglars themselves already in custody, I assumed that they would be.
Within a few days, however, I was advised that there was a possibility of CIA involvement in some way.
It did seem to me possible that, because of the involvement of former CIA personnel, and because of some of their apparent associations, the investigation could lead to the uncovering of covert CIA operations totally unrelated to the Watergate break-in.
In addition, by this time, the name of Mr. Hunt had surfaced in connection with Watergate, and I was alerted to the fact that he had previously been a member of the Special Investigations Unit in the White House. Therefore, I was also concerned that the Watergate investigation might well lead to an inquiry into the activities of the Special Investigations Unit itself.
In this area, I felt it was important to avoid disclosure of the details of the national security matters with which the group was concerned. I knew that once the existence of the group became known, it would lead inexorably to a discussion of these matters, some of which remain, even today, highly sensitive.
I wanted justice done with regard to Watergate; but in the scale of national priorities with which I had to deal---and not at that time having any idea of the extent of political abuse which Watergate reflected--I also had to be deeply concerned with ensuring that neither the covert operations of the CIA nor the operations of the Special Investigations Unit should be compromised. Therefore, I instructed Mr. Haldeman and Mr. Ehrlichman to ensure that the investigation of the break-in not expose either an unrelated covert operation of the CIA or the activities of the White House investigations unit--and to see that this was personally coordinated between General Waiters, the Deputy Director of the CIA, and Mr. Gray of the FBI. It was certainly not my intent, nor my wish, that the investigation of the Watergate break-in or of related acts be impeded in any way.
On July 6, 1972, I telephoned the Acting Director of the FBI, L. Patrick Gray, to congratulate him on his successful handling of the hijacking of a Pacific Southwest Airlines plane the previous day. During the conversation Mr. Gray discussed with me the progress of the Watergate investigation, and I asked him whether he had talked with General Walters. Mr. Gray said that he had, and that General Walters had assured him that the CIA was not involved. In the discussion, Mr. Gray suggested that the matter of Watergate might lead higher. I told him to press ahead with his investigation.
It now seems that later, through whatever complex of individual motives and possible misunderstandings, there were apparently wide-ranging efforts to limit the investigation or to conceal the possible involvement of members of the Administration and the campaign committee.
I was not aware of any such efforts at the time. Neither, until after I began my own investigation, was I aware of any fund-raising for defendants convicted of the break-in at Democratic headquarters, much less authorize any such fund-raising. Nor did I authorize any offer of executive clemency for any of the defendants.
In the weeks and months that followed Watergate, I asked for, and received, repeated assurances that Mr. Dean's own investigation (which included reviewing files and sitting in on FBI interviews with White House personnel) had cleared everyone then employed by the White House of involvement. In summary, then:
(1) I had no prior knowledge of the Watergate bugging operation, or of any illegal surveillance activities for political purposes.
(2) Long prior to the 1972 campaign, I did set in motion certain internal security measures, including legal wiretaps, which I felt were necessary from a national security standpoint and, in the climate then prevailing, also necessary from a domestic security standpoint.
(3) People who had been involved in the national security operations later, without my knowledge or approval, undertook illegal activities in the political campaign of 1972.
(4) Elements of the early post-Watergate reports led me to suspect, incorrectly, that the CIA had been in some way involved. They also led me to surmise, correctly, that since persons originally recruited for covert national security activities had participated in Watergate, an unrestricted investigation of Watergate might lead to and expose those covert national security operations.
(5) I sought to prevent the exposure of these covert national security activities, while encouraging those conducting the investigation to pursue their inquiry into the Watergate itself. I so instructed my staff, the Attorney General, and the Acting Director of the FBI.
(6) I also specifically instructed Mr. Haldeman and Mr. Ehrlichman to ensure that the FBI would not carry its investigation into areas that might compromise these covert national security activities, or those of the CIA.
(7) At no time did I authorize or know about any offer of executive clemency for the Watergate defendants. Neither did I know until the time of my own investigation of any efforts to provide them with funds.
CONCLUSION
With hindsight, it is apparent that I should have given more heed to the warning signals I received along the way about a Watergate coverup and less to the reassurances.
With hindsight, several other things also become clear:
--With respect to campaign practices, and also with respect to campaign finances, it should now be obvious that no campaign in history has ever been subjected to the kind of intensive and searching inquiry that has been focused on the campaign waged in my behalf in 1972.
It is clear that unethical, as well as illegal, activities took place in the course of that campaign.
None of these took place with my specific approval or knowledge. To the extent that I may in any way have contributed to the climate in which they took place, I did not intend to; to the extent that I failed to prevent them, I should have been more vigilant.
It was to help ensure against any repetition of this in the future that last week I proposed the establishment of a top level, bipartisan, independent commission to recommend a comprehensive reform of campaign laws and practices. Given the priority I believe it deserves, such reform should be possible before the next Congressional elections in 1974.
--It now appears that there were persons who may have gone beyond my directives, and sought to expand on my efforts to protect the national security operations in order to cover up any involvement they or certain others might have had in Watergate. The extent to which this is true, and who may have participated and to what degree, are questions that it would not be proper to address here. The proper forum for settling these matters is in the courts.
--To the extent that I have been able to determine what probably happened in the tangled course of this affair, on the basis of my own recollections and of the conflicting accounts and evidence that I have seen, it would appear that one factor at work was that at critical points various people, each with his own perspective and his own responsibilities, saw the same situation with different eyes and heard the same words with different ears.
What might have seemed insignificant to one seemed significant to another; what one saw in terms of public responsibility, another saw in terms of political opportunity; and mixed through it all, I am sure, was a concern on the part of many that the Watergate scandal should not be allowed to get in the way of what the Administration sought to achieve.
The truth about Watergate should be brought out--in an orderly way, recognizing that the safeguards of judicial procedure are designed to find the truth, not to hide the truth.
With his selection of Archibald Cox-who served both President Kennedy and President Johnson as Solicitor General-as the special supervisory prosecutor for matters related to the case, Attorney General-designate Richardson has demonstrated his own determination to see the truth brought out. In this effort he has my full support.
Considering the number of persons involved in this case whose testimony might be subject to a claim of executive privilege, I recognize that a clear definition of that claim has become central to the effort to arrive at the truth.
Accordingly, executive privilege will not be invoked as to any testimony concerning possible criminal conduct or discussions of possible criminal conduct, in the matters presently under investigation, including the Watergate affair and the alleged coverup.
I want to emphasize that this statement is limited to my own recollections of what I said and did relating to security and to the Watergate. I have specifically avoided any attempt to explain what other parties may have said and done. My own information on those other matters is fragmentary, and to some extent contradictory. Additional information may be forthcoming of which I am unaware. It is also my understanding that the information which has been conveyed to me has also become available to those prosecuting these matters. Under such circumstances, it would be prejudicial and unfair of me to render my opinions on the activities of others; those judgments must be left to the judicial process, our best hope for achieving the just result that we all seek.
As more information is developed, I have no doubt that more questions will be raised. To the extent that I am able, I shall also seek to set forth the facts as known to me with respect to those questions.
http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/movie_script.php?movie=reign-of-fire
Springfield! Springfield!
Reign Of Fire (2002)
Quinn! Quinn! Quinn!
We got a signal!
Quinn!
We got a signal.
Well, what's the problem?
They're speaking French.
Well, don't come to
me. I'm lousy at French.
They want to speak
to the person in charge.
Ah...
Well, that would be you,
then.
Just keep 'em talking.
- posted by H.V.O.M - Kerry Wayne Burgess 02:08 AM Pacific Time Spokane Valley Washington USA Monday 14 November 2016
