Saturday, March 21, 2015

The Hub




http://www.twiztv.com/scripts/battlestar/season4/galactica-409.htm

BATTLESTAR GALACTICA

4X09 - THE HUB

ORIGINAL AIRDATE (SciFi): 06-JUN-2008


Roslin: Man, that morpha worked fast.

Baltar: Still... Do you know why I'm so serene right now?

Roslin, indulging and funny: You're doped out of your mind?

Baltar: Because I know God. You need God, Laura. Really, you'd be a different woman. I know God, therefore I know myself. Truth is... I was harboring the most awful, desperate guilt. A heavy, dark... Unimaginable, soul-breaking guilt. Now it's gone. Now it's gone, it's been transformed. Into ... I have been transformed.

Roslin: What was your guilt about?

Baltar: I have no guilt.

Roslin: What was your guilt about?

Baltar: I gave the access codes to the Cylons. They wiped out most of humanity. Of course, I didn't know that's what I was doing at the time, exactly, but that's what I did. And when I realized what I had done, the magnitude... In that moment, I was saved. I was loved. By God. Looking back... I think I was rewarded.

Roslin: Rewarded.










http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=29210

The American Presidency Project

Lyndon B. Johnson

XXXVI President of the United States: 1963 - 1969

565 - Remarks at the Dedication of Fishtrap Dam Near Pikeville, Kentucky.

October 26, 1968

Congressman Perkins, Secretary Cohen, Governor Ford, Mrs. Peden, distinguished platform guests, ladies and gentlemen:

Out in my part of the country we work hard all week long so we can do what we want to on Saturday afternoon and Saturday night. I have had a long, tough week with a lot of problems--a good many of them still unsolved--but I put in enough time the early part of the week that I thought I was entitled to take off Saturday afternoon and go where I wanted to go, and here I am. I thought I could say what I wanted to say, and I am going to do just that.

I don't know when I have seen a healthier or happier or a more friendly group of people. They are my people. There may be a few of you in this audience today who will recall a sign that they used to have over at one of your local hotels. The sign read: "To live a long life, reside in Pikeville--the only city on the map where an undertaker ever failed in business." I can tell by the smiles on your faces today that this is still a good place to live.

Nobody has done more to make it that way than my good friend, and your good friend, Congressman Carl Perkins. No man has done more to bring good health to good people, good education for all the folks, good medical care for all the people of the United States, than your Kentucky Congressman, Carl Perkins.

During the last 5 years--I counted up coming down on the plane--we have passed about 500 public laws. Sixty of those public laws were educational measures, every one of which bore the imprint of a Congressman from Kentucky, Carl Perkins. Almost 40 of those laws were health measures, from Medicare to "kiddie-care," all of which bear the imprint of Carl Perkins. We have passed more than 300 conservation measures since I took office in 1963. I didn't realize that you had as many of them in eastern Kentucky as Carl listed.

Our country owes a greater debt to this great son of Kentucky than we can ever calculate, let alone repay. And the dam that we have come here this afternoon to dedicate is the finest kind of a monument that any man could have, and the only kind of a monument that Carl would want.

This dam will protect your families, it will bring you industries, it will protect your town. It will be a playground for your children. During the next 10 years, it will save more than $50 million in flood losses alone. It will provide families for miles around with a place to fish, a place to camp, a place to swim, or just a place to go to enjoy themselves and have a good time.

This dam is another example of what is happening in a growing, prospering, progressive Kentucky. It is an example of what can be done by good men and good women who are unafraid to strike out and pioneer in new directions.

When I first came to this part of Kentucky as your President, 4 1/2 years ago, I saw for myself, firsthand, with my own eyes, the plight of a proud and a productive people. I saw what happens to an entire region of this great Nation when we allow our problems to mount, when we turn our backs on the warning signals of unemployment, when we ignore our antiquated school system, and when we allow one generation after another to grow up in poverty and in need.

In 1964, Pike County was a symbol of the entire Appalachian problem. Today it is a symbol of the entire Appalachian progress.

When we took office we thought we had had enough of talking and we ought to start some doing. We decided there was no excuse for any citizen living in poverty in the richest nation the world has ever known.

So, we set out to work. We provided jobs. We trained people. We built and staffed health centers. We gave the old and their families the benefit of Medicare. We raised social security. We started an experiment in education that will make sure that birth in poverty will not mean a life in ignorance. We began a model cities program that will give every American a decent neighborhood to grow up in, and Pikeville is one of the communities that is sharing in that model cities program.

We reached out to the broken farms in the valleys. We looked down to the slums. We went over to the rural towns. Everywhere we went we said, "Let's get moving. Let's go. Take our hand." We said, "Join our country. There is a place for every one of you in America's future."

Now my friends, there are those in this land of ours who would scrap all of these programs. There are those who would reverse the tide of progress. There are those who say, "We must stop this waste. That only stirs up the poor, and they really don't make any difference anyway."

Well, I came out here this Saturday afternoon to tell you good Kentuckians that they do make a difference. They make an awful big difference.
Those cynics never talked to a young man who can now provide for his family because he has a skill in his hand, instead of hate in his heart.

They never saw a little girl whose body is growing strong and straight because she has a doctor looking after her, for the first time in her life.

They never listened while a teacher told of the way a slum child opened to the thrill of learning for the first time.

They never saw the relief in the eyes of an old couple when they received their Medicare card and they used it for the first time without having to get permission from their son-in-law.

They never saw the Negroes and the Mexicans line up on election day so they could get the first vote in the country that they had been willing to fight for.

But I have seen all of this, all over America. I have talked with these people. I have listened to them. I have read their letters. And I am proud to be a member of the generation that has acted, not talked, acted with wisdom and compassion to fulfill their hopes and help make their dreams come true.

And I am going to let you in on a little secret. I am mighty proud to be a member of the party, the Democratic Party, that acted to fulfill all of those hopes.

What we have built together has been built on the enduring and honored principles of the Democratic Party. The Democratic Party is the party that believes in the greatest good for the greatest number. The Democratic Party is the party that acts on your problems instead of deferring your problems. And I want everyone of you to remember that when you go to the polls on November 5 and vote the straight Democratic ticket from the White House to the courthouse. I want you to remember that great Democratic leader, that loyal Vice President who stood by my shoulder through 4 long years of progress--Hubert Humphrey, and his vice presidential candidate, Senator Edmund Muskie.

I want you to remember this too: Our accomplishments of the past 5 years have been the work not just of a Democratic administration, but of a Democratic Congress as well. And the more Democrats we have in the Congress, the better bills that we are going to pass. That is why we want to be dead sure that you send us back Carl Perkins and you elect a Democratic Senator in Katherine Peden.

You can count on that just as surely as you can count on night following day. It has been true since I came to Washington 38 years ago. It will be true next year, as it was last year.

The surest way in the world that you can turn back the tide of progress in America is to go out and elect yourself a Republican President and give him a Republican Congress.

We did not pass the most comprehensive housing bill in this Nation to let the wooden soldiers of the status quo cut its lifeline by eliminating its funds.

We did not launch a War on Poverty to let the old voices of reaction call "Halt!" to the advance of the needy.

In all the areas of education, conservation, health, in all the efforts to reach out for full employment, in consumer protection--we did not come this far just to let the forces of indifference strangle the promises at its birth.

So, my fellow Americans, my Kentucky friends, it is up to you. The future is in your hands. It will do you no good to go around complaining about what goes on in Washington after you have selected the men to represent you. The time to be concerned about it is now--the next 10 days. Between now and November 5th, go out and work for Hubert Humphrey and every person in that Democratic column.

On November 5, you will select the man who will lead this Nation for the next 4 years. And I came here to tell you on my Saturday afternoon off, that despite what you may have heard to the contrary, and despite what you may see on television or hear on the radio spots, despite all the Madison Avenue advertising and the glitter that goes with it, I am here to tell you that Hubert Humphrey is really the one.

Now, I hope I have a chance to get out there and do what I like to do best: look you in the eye and thank you for the strength and support you have given me through the years; tell you that I came to be your public servant 38 years ago with some very strong convictions, namely, that every boy and girl in this country ought to have the right to an education, every boy and girl ought to have the right to good health, every boy and girl ought to have the right to a job, every boy and girl ought to have a right to have a roof over their head and a decent house, every boy and girl ought to have the right to live in peace.

Now, we haven't got the answers to all those problems. You can't find the answers to that many problems in 4 years. But we have found a lot of them in 60 education bills and in 40 medical care bills and 300 conservation bills. We have found the answer in that communism hasn't taken an extra foot of land anywhere in the world in the last 4 1/2 years. And wherever our men have carried that flag, they have brought it back without a stain on it. They have defended it honorably and they have defended it well.

I want to conclude now with a little story that Carl said would be all right to tell you folks of eastern Kentucky. We might not talk about it if we were in one of these sophisticated urban areas, but I understand that this story is reasonably accurate.

At the end of World War II, a little temperance group made up of dear old ladies called on Prime Minister Winston Churchill. They came in to protest the Prime Minister's drinking habits.

The little lady who was a spokesman for the group said, "Mr. Prime Minister, we are reliably informed that if all the alcohol and brandy that you have drunk during World War II could be poured in this room, it would fill half of this room, up to here, up to our necks."

The Prime Minister sat there with a glum expression on his face. He looked at the floor and he looked at the ceiling. He measured about halfway to the ceiling. He said, "My dear little lady, so little have I done; so much I have yet to do."

So, that is the way I feel in the twilight of my political career, after 38 years. We have fought a good fight. We have stayed the course. But so little have I done, so much we have yet to do.

Sixty education bills, 40 health bills. The Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare is here on the platform with us. Secretary Cohen, stand up and take a hand. I expect Secretary Cohen has had more to do with good education and good health and good social security in this country, and good medical care, than any other living man.

But a fellow who is breathing right hot on his back, right close to him every step of the way, is that favorite of mine, that son of Kentucky--Carl Perkins.

Thank you for inviting me here.

Note: The President spoke at 4:35 p.m. at the dedication of Fishtrap Dam near Pikeville, Ky.










http://www.tv.com/shows/ncis-new-orleans/more-now-3068540/

tv.com


NCIS: New Orleans Season 1 Episode 17

More Now

Aired Tuesday 9:00 PM Mar 10, 2015 on CBS

Pride becomes convinced his nemesis "Baitfish" has returned and, in an attempt to locate him, instructs the team to investigate crime scenes and chase leads from New Orleans to Charleston, S.C.

AIRED: 3/10/15



http://www.springfieldspringfield.co.uk/view_episode_scripts.php?tv-show=ncis-new-orleans-2014&episode=s01e17

Springfield! Springfield!


NCIS: New Orleans

More Now


And until my captain tells me that this is no longer my case, I'd like to have my evidence back.
Oh.
My officer here will show you out.
Just keep in mind, the man I'm pursuing is dangerous.
This is just a small sample of what he's capable of.
And who exactly is this fugitive? Paul Jenks.
Tried to kill me.
I call him Baitfish.
Baitfish? One of those individuals that just can't seem to stay dead.
Already contacted the federal marshals.










From 6/13/2005 To 6/6/2008 is 1089 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 10/26/1968 ( premiere US TV series episode "Mannix"::"End of the Rainbow" ) is 1089 days



From 11/9/1962 ( premiere US film "Her Bikini Never Got Wet" ) To 6/13/2005 is 15557 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/6/2008 is 15557 days



From 8/3/1998 ( Tom Clancy "Rainbow Six" ) To 6/6/2008 is 3595 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 9/6/1975 ( premiere US TV series "Isis" ) is 3595 days



From 8/3/1998 ( Tom Clancy "Rainbow Six" ) To 6/6/2008 is 3595 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 9/6/1975 ( premiere US TV series "Return to the Planet of the Apes" ) is 3595 days



From 7/12/1954 ( Dwight Eisenhower - Message for the Governors' Conference at Lake George and Request for Recommendations as to a Federal-State Highway Program ) To 2/13/1997 ( as Kerry Wayne Burgess the United States Marine Corps officer and United States STS-82 pilot astronaut I begin repairing the US Hubble Telescope while in space and orbit of the planet Earth ) is 15557 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/6/2008 is 15557 days



From 6/17/1950 ( premiere US film "What's Up Doc?" ) To 6/6/2008 is 21174 days

21174 = 10587 + 10587

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 10/28/1994 ( premiere US film "Stargate" ) is 10587 days



From 6/17/1950 ( premiere US film "What's Up Doc?" ) To 1/19/1993 ( in Asheville North Carolina as Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess I was seriously wounded by gunfire when I returned fatal gunfire to a fugitive from United States federal justice who was another criminal sent by Bill Gates-Nazi-Microsoft-George Bush the cowardly violent criminal in another attempt to kill me the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) is 15557 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/6/2008 is 15557 days



From 1/19/1993 ( in Asheville North Carolina as Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess I was seriously wounded by gunfire when I returned fatal gunfire to a fugitive from United States federal justice who was another criminal sent by Bill Gates-Nazi-Microsoft-George Bush the cowardly violent criminal in another attempt to kill me the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/6/2008 is 5617 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 3/20/1981 ( premiere US film "The Postman Always Rings Twice" ) is 5617 days



From 3/16/1991 ( my first successful major test of my ultraspace matter transportation device as Kerry Wayne Burgess the successful Ph.D. graduate Columbia South Carolina ) To 6/6/2008 is 6292 days

6292 = 3146 + 3146

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/14/1974 ( premiere US film "The Parallax View" ) is 3146 days



From 1/17/1991 ( the date of record of my United States Navy Medal of Honor as Kerry Wayne Burgess chief warrant officer United States Marine Corps circa 1991 also known as Matthew Kline for official duty and also known as Wayne Newman for official duty ) To 6/6/2008 is 6350 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 3/23/1983 ( the Ronald Reagan speech to the nation about missile defense - the Strategic Defense Initiative ) is 6350 days



From 1/17/1991 ( RACKETEER INFLUENCED AND CORRUPT ORGANIZATIONS US Title 18 - the Persian Gulf War begins as scheduled severe criminal activity against the United States of America ) To 6/6/2008 is 6350 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 3/23/1983 ( the Ronald Reagan speech to the nation about missile defense - the Strategic Defense Initiative ) is 6350 days



From 4/25/1959 ( premiere US film "Westbound" ) To 6/6/2008 is 17940 days

17940 = 8970 + 8970

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 5/25/1990 ( premiere US film "Back to the Future Part III" & premiere US film "Fire Birds" ) is 8970 days



From 12/20/1994 ( in Bosnia as Kerry Wayne Burgess the United States Marine Corps captain this day is my United States Navy Cross medal date of record ) To 6/6/2008 is 4917 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 4/20/1979 ( premiere US film "Dawn of the Dead" ) is 4917 days



From 7/4/1961 ( premiere US film "Most Dangerous Man Alive" ) To 2/6/2004 ( my final day working at Microsoft Corporation as the known official Chief Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and the deputy director of the United States Marshals Service and the active duty United States Marine Corps brigadier general circa 2004 ) is 15557 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/6/2008 is 15557 days



From 6/23/1950 ( premiere US film "The Gunfighter" ) To 6/6/2008 is 21168 days

21168 = 10584 + 10584

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 10/25/1994 ( Susan Smith kills her two children and dumps them in her car in the John D. Long Lake near Union South Carolina ) is 10584 days



From 10/25/1994 ( Susan Smith kills her two children and dumps them in her car in the John D. Long Lake near Union South Carolina ) To 6/6/2008 is 4973 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/15/1979 ( premiere US film "The Kids Are Alright" ) is 4973 days



From 2/10/1960 ( Dwight Eisenhower - Remarks After Inspecting the Missile Test Center, Cape Canaveral, Florida ) To 9/14/2002 ( at Overlake hospital in Bellevue Washington State the announced birth of Phoebe Gates the daughter of Microsoft Bill Gates the transvestite and Microsoft Bill Gates the 100% female gender as born and Microsoft Bill Gates the Soviet Union prostitute ) is 15557 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/6/2008 is 15557 days



From 7/23/1982 ( premiere US film "The Best Little Whorehouse in Texas" ) To 6/6/2008 is 9450 days

From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 9/17/1991 ( premiere US film "Home Improvement" ) is 9450 days


http://www.tv.com/shows/battlestar-galactica/the-hub-1194343/

tv.com


Battlestar Galactica Season 4 Episode 9

The Hub

Aired Friday 10:00 PM Jun 06, 2008 on Syfy

AIRED: 6/6/08










http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=11984

The American Presidency Project

Dwight D. Eisenhower

XXXIV President of the United States: 1953 - 1961

33 - Remarks After Inspecting the Missile Test Center, Cape Canaveral, Florida.

February 10, 1960

WELL, it was an interesting day, and I have been wanting to come here for a long time, so it's a trip that's another realization of an ambition.

Obviously, it is the most highly instrumented place you can imagine, and certainly the personnel show every evidence of a high degree of competence.

So from my viewpoint it was a very worthwhile trip, and I hope it has been for you fellows.

Good luck to you.

Note: The President spoke at the airstrip before boarding a plane to return to Washington.










http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0043128/releaseinfo

IMDb


What's Up Doc? (1950)

Release Info

USA 17 June 1950










http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0111282/releaseinfo

IMDb


Stargate (1994)

Release Info

USA 28 October 1994










http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0111282/quotes

IMDb


Stargate (1994)

Quotes


Ra: There can be only one Ra.










http://www.twiztv.com/scripts/battlestar/season4/galactica-409.htm

BATTLESTAR GALACTICA

4X09 - THE HUB

ORIGINAL AIRDATE (SciFi): 06-JUN-2008


Resurrection Hub

Boomer: Something's going on. Another Baseship, unscheduled.

Cavil: You've gotta speak to the Twos and Sixes and Eights and tell them they've gone too far.

Three: No. Why didn't you ask about the Final Five? You never ask about them.

Cavil: That's because I don't believe we're meant to know them.

Three: Well, I'll tell you. I will tell you, I'll start shouting out their names. Why do you risk it?

Cavil: Are you going to help end this war or are you useless?

Boomer: Twenty-five Heavy Raiders just launched from the new arrival, heading our way.

Viper/Raider Squad

Seelix, being towed: Come on, let's get this carpool started. Now! Cut the frakkin' cable now, you frakkin' bastard!










http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0071970/releaseinfo

IMDb


The Parallax View (1974)

Release Info

USA 14 June 1974










http://www.twiztv.com/scripts/battlestar/season4/galactica-405.htm

BATTLESTAR GALACTICA

4X05 - THE ROAD KESS TRAVELED

ORIGINAL AIRDATE (SciFi): 02-MAY-2008


Leoben, as Kara enters: I heard an explosion. Are you all right?

Starbuck, beating him: What'd you do? Blow the tylium stores?

Leoben: That's the Kara I used to know...

Starbuck: The Raider's in pieces, you motherfrakker! Sergeant Mathias is dead, not that you give -- a -- damn!

Leoben: You can't think that I had anything to do with that.

Starbuck: I wasn't even on the deck. I was too busy believing you instead of watching out for my crew.

Leoben: My ship was under fire. The reactor could've been damaged.

Starbuck: It was a setup. Say it!

Leoben, spitting blood: Hit me, hit me again.

Starbuck: You used me to get close to the ship.

Leoben: How many times did you kill me on New Caprica? Don't stop now. Go on, do it. I won't come back this time, I promise. Resurrection Ship's well out of range. Go on, do it. Do it!










http://www.twiztv.com/scripts/battlestar/season2/galactica-211.htm

BATTLESTAR GALACTICA

2X11 - RESURRECTION SHIP (1)

Original Airdate (SciFi): 06-JAN-2006


Pegasus - Briefing Room
==================================

Baltar: The cylon's call this their resurrection ship. At the moment, we are too far away from the cylon home for the normal downloading process to work, which is why they built this ship. It contains the entire apparatus necessary for cylon resurrection. Now this ship has been traveling with the fleet trailing Galactica for the last several months

Starbuck: So it's a safety net? A place where they fall back to when they die.

Cain: And if they lose their safety net?

Starbuck: Then any cylon who dies out here--

Cain: Would be dead. As in, really dead. I daresay they won't like that.

Starbuck: No, sir. They might even stop chasing us. Why risk getting killed if you can't just wake up all nice and cozy in a brand-new body?

Cain: Doctor, I think you just identified the most important ship in the galaxy.










http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0055197/releaseinfo

IMDb


Most Dangerous Man Alive (1961)

Release Info

USA 4 July 1961 (New York City, New York)










http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0077402/releaseinfo

IMDb


Dawn of the Dead (1978)

Release Info

USA 20 April 1979 (New York City, New York)










http://www.twiztv.com/scripts/battlestar/season4/galactica-409.htm

BATTLESTAR GALACTICA

4X09 - THE HUB

ORIGINAL AIRDATE (SciFi): 06-JUN-2008


Baltar: Truth is... I was harboring the most awful, desperate guilt. A heavy, dark... Unimaginable, soul-breaking guilt. Now it's gone. Now it's gone, it's been transformed. Into ... I have been transformed.










http://www.tv.com/shows/mannix/end-of-the-rainbow-70128/

tv.com


Mannix Season 2 Episode 5

End of the Rainbow

Aired Saturday 10:00 PM Oct 26, 1968 on CBS

AIRED: 10/26/68










http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0219766/releaseinfo

IMDb


Her Bikini Never Got Wet (1962)

Release Info

USA 9 November 1962










http://www.twiztv.com/scripts/battlestar/season4/galactica-409.htm

BATTLESTAR GALACTICA

4X09 - THE HUB

ORIGINAL AIRDATE (SciFi): 06-JUN-2008


Roslin: What was your guilt about?

Baltar: I have no guilt.

Roslin: What was your guilt about?










http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=41093

The American Presidency Project

Ronald Reagan

XL President of the United States: 1981 - 1989

Address to the Nation on Defense and National Security

March 23, 1983

My fellow Americans, thank you for sharing your time with me tonight.

The subject I want to discuss with you, peace and national security, is both timely and important. Timely, because I've reached a decision which offers a new hope for our children in the 21st century, a decision I'll tell you about in a few minutes. And important because there's a very big decision that you must make for yourselves. This subject involves the most basic duty that any President and any people share, the duty to protect and strengthen the peace.

At the beginning of this year, I submitted to the Congress a defense budget which reflects my best judgment of the best understanding of the experts and specialists who advise me about what we and our allies must do to protect our people in the years ahead. That budget is much more than a long list of numbers, for behind all the numbers lies America's ability to prevent the greatest of human tragedies and preserve our free way of life in a sometimes dangerous world. It is part of a careful, long-term plan to make America strong again after too many years of neglect and mistakes.

Our efforts to rebuild America's defenses and strengthen the peace began 2 years ago when we requested a major increase in the defense program. Since then, the amount of those increases we first proposed has been reduced by half, through improvements in management and procurement and other savings.

The budget request that is now before the Congress has been trimmed to the limits of safety. Further deep cuts cannot be made without seriously endangering the security of the Nation. The choice is up to the men and women you've elected to the Congress, and that means the choice is up to you.

Tonight, I want to explain to you what this defense debate is all about and why I'm convinced that the budget now before the Congress is necessary, responsible, and deserving of your support. And I want to offer hope for the future.

But first, let me say what the defense debate is not about. It is not about spending arithmetic. I know that in the last few weeks you've been bombarded with numbers and percentages. Some say we need only a 5-percent increase in defense spending. The so-called alternate budget backed by liberals in the House of Representatives would lower the figure to 2 to 3 percent, cutting our defense spending by $163 billion over the next 5 years. The trouble with all these numbers is that they tell us little about the kind of defense program America needs or the benefits and security and freedom that our defense effort buys for us.

What seems to have been lost in all this debate is the simple truth of how a defense budget is arrived at. It isn't done by deciding to spend a certain number of dollars. Those loud voices that are occasionally heard charging that the Government is trying to solve a security problem by throwing money at it are nothing more than noise based on ignorance. We start by considering what must be done to maintain peace and review all the possible threats against our security. Then a strategy for strengthening peace and defending against those threats must be agreed upon. And, finally, our defense establishment must be evaluated to see what is necessary to protect against any or all of the potential threats. The cost of achieving these ends is totaled up, and the result is the budget for national defense.

There is no logical way that you can say, let's spend x billion dollars less. You can only say, which part of our defense measures do we believe we can do without and still have security against all contingencies? Anyone in the Congress who advocates a percentage or a specific dollar cut in defense spending should be made to say what part of our defenses he would eliminate, and he should be candid enough to acknowledge that his cuts mean cutting our commitments to allies or inviting greater risk or both.

The defense policy of the United States is based on a simple premise: The United States does not start fights. We will never be an aggressor. We maintain our strength in order to deter and defend against aggression-to preserve freedom and peace.

Since the dawn of the atomic age, we've sought to reduce the risk of war by maintaining a strong deterrent and by seeking genuine arms control. "Deterrence" means simply this: making sure any adversary who thinks about attacking the United States, or our allies, or our vital interests, concludes that the risks to him outweigh any potential gains. Once he understands that, he won't attack. We maintain the peace through our strength; weakness only invites aggression.

This strategy of deterrence has not changed. It still works. But what it takes to maintain deterrence has changed. It took one kind of military force to deter an attack when we had far more nuclear weapons than any other power; it takes another kind now that the Soviets, for example, have enough accurate and powerful nuclear weapons to destroy virtually all of our missiles on the ground. Now, this is not to say that the Soviet Union is planning to make war on us. Nor do I believe a war is inevitable-quite the contrary. But what must be recognized is that our security is based on being prepared to meet all threats.

There was a time when we depended on coastal forts and artillery batteries, because, with the weaponry of that day, any attack would have had to come by sea. Well, this is a different world, and our defenses must be based on recognition and awareness of the weaponry possessed by other nations in the nuclear age.

We can't afford to believe that we will never be threatened. There have been two world wars in my lifetime. We didn't start them and, indeed, did everything we could to avoid being drawn into them. But we were ill-prepared for both. Had we been better prepared, peace might have been preserved.

For 20 years the Soviet Union has been accumulating enormous military might. They didn't stop when their forces exceeded all requirements of a legitimate defensive capability. And they haven't stopped now. During the past decade and a half, the Soviets have built up a massive arsenal of new strategic nuclear weapons—weapons that can strike directly at the United States.

As an example, the United States introduced its last new intercontinental ballistic missile, the Minute Man III, in 1969, and we're now dismantling our even older Titan missiles. But what has the Soviet Union done in these intervening years? Well, since 1969 the Soviet Union has built five new classes of ICBM's, and upgraded these eight times. As a result, their missiles are much more powerful and accurate than they were several years ago, and they continue to develop more, while ours are increasingly obsolete.

The same thing has happened in other areas. Over the same period, the Soviet Union built 4 new classes of submarine-launched ballistic missiles and over 60 new missile submarines. We built 2 new types of submarine missiles and actually withdrew 10 submarines from strategic missions. The Soviet Union built over 200 new Backfire bombers, and their brand new Blackjack bomber is now under development. We haven't built a new long-range bomber since our B-52's were deployed about a quarter of a century ago, and we've already retired several hundred of those because of old age. Indeed, despite what many people think, our strategic forces only cost about 15 percent of the defense budget.

Another example of what's happened: In 1978 the Soviets had 600 intermediate-range nuclear missiles based on land and were beginning to add the SS-20—a new, highly accurate, mobile missile with 3 warheads. We had none. Since then the Soviets have strengthened their lead. By the end of 1979, when Soviet leader Brezhnev declared "a balance now exists," the Soviets had over 800 warheads. We still had none. A year ago this month, Mr. Brezhnev pledged a moratorium, or freeze, on SS-20 deployment. But by last August, their 800 warheads had become more than 1,200. We still had none. Some freeze. At this time Soviet Defense Minister Ustinov announced "approximate parity of forces continues to exist." But the Soviets are still adding an average of 3 new warheads a week, and now have 1,300. These warheads can reach their targets in a matter of a few minutes. We still have none. So far, it seems that the Soviet definition of parity is a box score of 1,300 to nothing, in their favor.

So, together with our NATO allies, we decided in 1979 to deploy new weapons, beginning this year, as a deterrent to their SS—20's and as an incentive to the Soviet Union to meet us in serious arms control negotiations. We will begin that deployment late this year. At the same time, however, we're willing to cancel our program if the Soviets will dismantle theirs. This is what we've called a zero-zero plan. The Soviets are now at the negotiating table—and I think it's fair to say that without our planned deployments, they wouldn't be there.

Now, let's consider conventional forces. Since 1974 the United States has produced 3,050 tactical combat aircraft. By contrast, the Soviet Union has produced twice as many. When we look at attack submarines, the United States has produced 27 while the Soviet Union has produced 61. For armored vehicles, including tanks, we have produced 11,200. The Soviet Union has produced 54,000—nearly 5 to 1 in their favor. Finally, with artillery, we've produced 950 artillery and rocket launchers while the Soviets have produced more than 13,000—a staggering 14-to-1 ratio.

There was a time when we were able to offset superior Soviet numbers with higher quality, but today they are building weapons as sophisticated and modern as our own.

As the Soviets have increased their military power, they've been emboldened to extend that power. They're spreading their military influence in ways that can directly challenge our vital interests and those of our allies.

The following aerial photographs, most of them secret until now, illustrate this point in a crucial area very close to home: Central America and the Caribbean Basin. They're not dramatic photographs. But I think they help give you a better understanding of what I'm talking about.

This Soviet intelligence collection facility, less than a hundred miles from our coast, is the largest of its kind in the world. The acres and acres of antennae fields and intelligence monitors are targeted on key U.S. military installations and sensitive activities. The installation in Lourdes, Cuba, is manned by 1,500 Soviet technicians. And the satellite ground station allows instant communications with Moscow. This 28-square-mile facility has grown by more than 60 percent in size and capability during the past decade.

In western Cuba, we see this military airfield and it complement of modern, Soviet-built Mig-23 aircraft. The Soviet Union uses this Cuban airfield for its own long-range reconnaissance missions. And earlier this month, two modern Soviet antisubmarine warfare aircraft began operating from it. During the past 2 years, the level of Soviet arms exports to Cuba can only be compared to the levels reached during the Cuban missile crisis 20 years ago.

This third photo, which is the only one in this series that has been previously made public, shows Soviet military hardware that has made its way to Central America. This airfield with its MI-8 helicopters, anti-aircraft guns, and protected fighter sites is one of a number of military facilities in Nicaragua which has received Soviet equipment funneled through Cuba, and reflects the massive military buildup going on in that country.

On the small island of Grenada, at the southern end of the Caribbean chain, the Cubans, with Soviet financing and backing, are in the process of building an airfield with a 10,000-foot runway. Grenada doesn't even have an air force. Who is it intended for? The Caribbean is a very important passageway for our international commerce and military lines of communication. More than half of all American oil imports now pass through the Caribbean. The rapid buildup of Grenada's military potential is unrelated to any conceivable threat to this island country of under 110,000 people and totally at odds with the pattern of other eastern Caribbean States, most of which are unarmed.

The Soviet-Cuban militarization of Grenada, in short, can only be seen as power projection into the region. And it is in this important economic and strategic area that we're trying to help the Governments of El Salvador, Costa Rica, Honduras, and others in their struggles for democracy against guerrillas supported through Cuba and Nicaragua.

These pictures only tell a small part of the story. I wish I could show you more without compromising our most sensitive intelligence sources and methods. But the Soviet Union is also supporting Cuban military forces in Angola and Ethiopia. They have bases in Ethiopia and South Yemen, near the Persian Gulf oil fields. They've taken over the port that we built at Cam Ranh Bay in Vietnam. And now for the first time in history, the Soviet Navy is a force to be reckoned with in the South Pacific.

Some people may still ask: Would the Soviets ever use their formidable military power? Well, again, can we afford to believe they won't? There is Afghanistan. And in Poland, the Soviets denied the will of the people and in so doing demonstrated to the world how their military power could also be used to intimidate.

The final fact is that the Soviet Union is acquiring what can only be considered an offensive military force. They have continued to build far more intercontinental ballistic missiles than they could possibly need simply to deter an attack. Their conventional forces are trained and equipped not so much to defend against an attack as they are to permit sudden, surprise offensives of their own.

Our NATO allies have assumed a great defense burden, including the military draft in most countries. We're working with them and our other friends around the world to do more. Our defensive strategy means we need military forces that can move very quickly, forces that are trained and ready to respond to any emergency.

Every item in our defense program—our ships, our tanks, our planes, our funds for training and spare parts—is intended for one all-important purpose: to keep the peace. Unfortunately, a decade of neglecting our military forces had called into question our ability to do that.

When I took office in January 1981, I was appalled by what I found: American planes that couldn't fly and American ships that couldn't sail for lack of spare parts and trained personnel and insufficient fuel and ammunition for essential training. The inevitable result of all this was poor morale in our Armed Forces, difficulty in recruiting the brightest young Americans to wear the uniform, and difficulty in convincing our most experienced military personnel to stay on.

There was a real question then about how well we could meet a crisis. And it was obvious that we had to begin a major modernization program to ensure we could deter aggression and preserve the peace in the years ahead.

We had to move immediately to improve the basic readiness and staying power of our conventional forces, so they could meet—and therefore help deter—a crisis. We had to make up for lost years of investment by moving forward with a long-term plan to prepare our forces to counter the military capabilities our adversaries were developing for the future.

I know that all of you want peace, and so do I. I know too that many of you seriously believe that a nuclear freeze would further the cause of peace. But a freeze now would make us less, not more, secure and would raise, not reduce, the risks of war. It would be largely unverifiable and would seriously undercut our negotiations on arms reduction. It would reward the Soviets for their massive military buildup while preventing us from modernizing our aging and increasingly vulnerable forces. With their present margin of superiority, why should they agree to arms reductions knowing that we were prohibited from catching up?

Believe me, it wasn't pleasant for someone who had come to Washington determined to reduce government spending, but we had to move forward with the task of repairing our defenses or we would lose our ability to deter conflict now and in the future. We had to demonstrate to any adversary that aggression could not succeed, and that the only real solution was substantial, equitable, and effectively verifiable arms reduction—the kind we're working for right now in Geneva.

Thanks to your strong support, and bipartisan support from the Congress, we began to turn things around. Already, we're seeing some very encouraging results. Quality recruitment and retention are up dramatically-more high school graduates are choosing military careers, and more experienced career personnel are choosing to stay. Our men and women in uniform at last are getting the tools and training they need to do their jobs.

Ask around today, especially among our young people, and I think you will find a whole new attitude toward serving their country. This reflects more than just better pay, equipment, and leadership. You the American people have sent a signal to these young people that it is once again an honor to wear the uniform. That's not something you measure in a budget, but it's a very real part of our nation's strength.

It'll take us longer to build the kind of equipment we need to keep peace in the future, but we've made a good start.

We haven't built a new long-range bomber for 21 years. Now we're building the B-1. We hadn't launched one new strategic submarine for 17 years. Now we're building one Trident submarine a year. Our land-based missiles are increasingly threatened by the many huge, new Soviet ICBM's. We're determining how to solve that problem. At the same time, we're working in the START and INF negotiations with the goal of achieving deep reductions in the strategic and intermediate nuclear arsenals of both sides.

We have also begun the long-needed modernization of our conventional forces. The Army is getting its first new tank in 20 years. The Air Force is modernizing. We're rebuilding our Navy, which shrank from about a thousand ships in the late 1960's to 453 during the 1970's. Our nation needs a superior navy to support our military forces and vital interests overseas. We're now on the road to achieving a 600-ship navy and increasing the amphibious capabilities of our marines, who are now serving the cause of peace in Lebanon. And we're building a real capability to assist our friends in the vitally important Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf region.

This adds up to a major effort, and it isn't cheap. It comes at a time when there are many other pressures on our budget and when the American people have already had to make major sacrifices during the recession. But we must not be misled by those who would make defense once again the scapegoat of the Federal budget.

The fact is that in the past few decades we have seen a dramatic shift in how we spend the taxpayer's dollar. Back in 1955, payments to individuals took up only about 20 percent of the Federal budget. For nearly three decades, these payments steadily increased and, this year, will account for 49 percent of the budget. By contrast, in 1955 defense took up more than half of the Federal budget. By 1980 this spending had fallen to a low of 23 percent. Even with the increase that I am requesting this year, defense will still amount to only 28 percent of the budget.

The calls for cutting back the defense budget come in nice, simple arithmetic. They're the same kind of talk that led the democracies to neglect their defenses in the 1930's and invited the tragedy of World War II. We must not let that grim chapter of history repeat itself through apathy or neglect.

This is why I'm speaking to you tonight-to urge you to tell your Senators and Congressmen that you know we must continue to restore our military strength. If we stop in midstream, we will send a signal of decline, of lessened will, to friends and adversaries alike. Free people must voluntarily, through open debate and democratic means, meet the challenge that totalitarians pose by compulsion. It's up to us, in our time, to choose and choose wisely between the hard but necessary task of preserving peace and freedom and the temptation to ignore our duty and blindly hope for the best while the enemies of freedom grow stronger day by day.

The solution is well within our grasp. But to reach it, there is simply no alternative but to continue this year, in this budget, to provide the resources we need to preserve the peace and guarantee our freedom.

Now, thus far tonight I've shared with you my thoughts on the problems of national security we must face together. My predecessors in the Oval Office have appeared before you on other occasions to describe the threat posed by Soviet power and have proposed steps to address that threat. But since the advent of nuclear weapons, those steps have been increasingly directed toward deterrence of aggression through the promise of retaliation.

This approach to stability through offensive threat has worked. We and our allies have succeeded in preventing nuclear war for more than three decades. In recent months, however, my advisers, including in particular the Joint Chiefs of Staff, have underscored the necessity to break out of a future that relies solely on offensive retaliation for our security.

Over the course of these discussions, I've become more and more deeply convinced that the human spirit must be capable of rising above dealing with other nations and human beings by threatening their existence. Feeling this way, I believe we must thoroughly examine every opportunity for reducing tensions and for introducing greater stability into the strategic calculus on both sides.

One of the most important contributions we can make is, of course, to lower the level of all arms, and particularly nuclear arms. We're engaged right now in several negotiations with the Soviet Union to bring about a mutual reduction of weapons. I will report to you a week from tomorrow my thoughts on that score. But let me just say, I'm totally committed to this course.

If the Soviet Union will join with us in our effort to achieve major arms reduction, we will have succeeded in stabilizing the nuclear balance. Nevertheless, it will still be necessary to rely on the specter of retaliation, on mutual threat. And that's a sad commentary on the human condition. Wouldn't it be better to save lives than to avenge them? Are we not capable of demonstrating our peaceful intentions by applying all our abilities and our ingenuity to achieving a truly lasting stability? I think we are. Indeed, we must.

After careful consultation with my advisers, including the Joint Chiefs of Staff, I believe there is a way. Let me share with you a vision of the future which offers hope. It is that we embark on a program to counter the awesome Soviet missile threat with measures that are defensive. Let us turn to the very strengths in technology that spawned our great industrial base and that have given us the quality of life we enjoy today.

What if free people could live secure in the knowledge that their security did not rest upon the threat of instant U.S. retaliation to deter a Soviet attack, that we could intercept and destroy strategic ballistic missiles before they reached our own soil or that of our allies?

I know this is a formidable, technical task, one that may not be accomplished before the end of this century. Yet, current technology has attained a level of sophistication where it's reasonable for us to begin this effort. It will take years, probably decades of effort on many fronts. There will be failures and setbacks, just as there will be successes and breakthroughs. And as we proceed, we must remain constant in preserving the nuclear deterrent and maintaining a solid capability for flexible response. But isn't it worth every investment necessary to free the world from the threat of nuclear war? We know it is.

In the meantime, we will continue to pursue real reductions in nuclear arms, negotiating from a position of strength that can be ensured only by modernizing our strategic forces. At the same time, we must take steps to reduce the risk of a conventional military conflict escalating to nuclear war by improving our nonnuclear capabilities.

America does possess—now—the technologies to attain very significant improvements in the effectiveness of our conventional, nonnuclear forces. Proceeding boldly with these new technologies, we can significantly reduce any incentive that the Soviet Union may have to threaten attack against the United States or its allies.

As we pursue our goal of defensive technologies, we recognize that our allies rely upon our strategic offensive power to deter attacks against them. Their vital interests and ours are inextricably linked. Their safety and ours are one. And no change in technology can or will alter that reality. We must and shall continue to honor our commitments.

I clearly recognize that defensive systems have limitations and raise certain problems and ambiguities. If paired with offensive systems, they can be viewed as fostering an aggressive policy, and no one wants that. But with these considerations firmly in mind, I call upon the scientific community in our country, those who gave us nuclear weapons, to turn their great talents now to the cause of mankind and world peace, to give us the means of rendering these nuclear weapons impotent and obsolete.

Tonight, consistent with our obligations of the ABM treaty and recognizing the need for closer consultation with our allies, I'm taking an important first step. I am directing a comprehensive and intensive effort to define a long-term research and development program to begin to achieve our ultimate goal of eliminating the threat posed by strategic nuclear missiles. This could pave the way for arms control measures to eliminate the weapons themselves. We seek neither military superiority nor political advantage. Our only purpose—one all people share—is to search for ways to reduce the danger of nuclear war.

My fellow Americans, tonight we're launching an effort which holds the promise of changing the course of human history. There will be risks, and results take time. But I believe we can do it. As we cross this threshold, I ask for your prayers and your support.

Thank you, good night, and God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 8:02 p.m. from the Oval Office at the White House. The address was broadcast live on nationwide radio and television.










http://www.oocities.org/elzj78/bsgminiseries.html


BATTLESTAR GALACTICA: Miniseries (2003)


Baltar: Prove it. If you're a Cylon, prove it to me right now.

Six: I don't have to. You know I'm telling the truth.

Baltar: See, stating something as the truth doesn't necessarily make it so, because the truth of the matter is, I don't believe a word of it.

Six: You believe me, because deep down you've always known there was something different about me. Something that didn't quite add up in the usual way. And you believe me because it flatters your ego, to believe that alone among all the billions of people of the Twelve Colonies, you were chosen for my mission.

Baltar: Your mission? What mission?

Six: You knew I wanted access to the defense mainframe.

Baltar: (stunned) Def- Wait a minute, the defense mainframe? What exactly are you saying?

Six: Come on, Gaius. The communications frequencies, deployment schedules, unlimited access to every database.



- posted by H.V.O.M - Kerry Wayne Burgess 09:56 AM Pacific Time Spokane Valley Washington USA Saturday 21 March 2015