http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0149693/releaseinfo
IMDb
Apache on the County Seat (1973)
Release Info
USA 16 June 1973
http://www.imdb.com/character/ch0030675/quotes
IMDb
Quotes for
Tinker Bell (Character)
from Hook (1991)
Tinkerbell: Well, whoever you are it's still you, 'cause only one person has that smell.
Peter Banning: Smell?
Tinkerbell: The smell of someone who has ridden the back of the wind, Peter. The smell of a hundred fun summers, with sleeping in trees and adventures with Indians and Pirates.
http://www.imdb.com/character/ch0023012/quotes
IMDb
Quotes for
Grace King Bichon (Character)
from Something to Talk About (1995)
Grace: Emma Rae, I have a cookbook to put out, and a daughter to raise, and the God damn winter Grand Prix.
http://community.seattletimes.nwsource.com/archive/?date=19971105&slug=2570424
The Seattle Times
Wednesday, November 5, 1997
Gop Leaders Hold $6 Million Fund-Raiser -- Democrats, Republicans Stocking Up In Advance For 1998 Senate Races
By Karen Gullo
AP
WASHINGTON - Gearing up for 1998, the Republican party invited 2,700 donors to Washington for a day and a half of receptions, photo sessions, briefings and meals with GOP leaders - a fund-raising extravaganza expected to raise $6 million.
Today's events included a fall "policy forum" and the Third Annual Senate Majority Dinner. The money was to go toward next year's Senate races, said Mike Russell, spokesman for the Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee, the group sponsoring the fund-raiser.
Democrats also have been raising money for next year. President Clinton hosted a two-day retreat for 50 wealthy donors last weekend in Florida that was expected to take in up to $3 million for the Democratic National Committee.
Clinton attended another fund-raiser last night, at the home of Sen. John Kerry, D-Mass., which raised $600,000 toward retiring the debt from Kerry's 1996 Senate campaign.
From 9/25/1952 ( premiere US film "Apache War Smoke" ) To 9/27/1984 ( "UA from class from 0600-0800" ) is 11690 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 11/4/1997 is 11690 days
From 9/25/1952 ( Christopher Reeve ) To 9/27/1984 ( "UA from class from 0600-0800" ) is 11690 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 11/4/1997 is 11690 days
From 9/27/1984 ( "UA from class from 0600-0800" ) To 11/4/1997 is 4786 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 12/10/1978 ( premiere US film "Superman" ) is 4786 days
From 9/27/1984 ( "UA from class from 0600-0800" ) To 11/4/1997 is 4786 days
4786 = 2393 + 2393
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 5/22/1972 ( the Richard Nixon visit to Moscow ) is 2393 days
From 6/6/1947 ( Robert Englund ) To 11/4/1997 is 18414 days
18414 = 9207 + 9207
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 1/17/1991 ( the date of record of my United States Navy Medal of Honor as Kerry Wayne Burgess chief warrant officer United States Marine Corps circa 1991 ) is 9207 days
From 6/6/1947 ( Robert Englund ) To 11/4/1997 is 18414 days
18414 = 9207 + 9207
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 1/17/1991 ( the Persian Gulf War begins ) is 9207 days
From 1/13/1927 ( Brock Adams ) To 1/17/1991 ( the date of record of my United States Navy Medal of Honor as Kerry Wayne Burgess chief warrant officer United States Marine Corps circa 1991 ) is 23380 days
23380 = 11690 + 11690
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 11/4/1997 is 11690 days
From 1/13/1927 ( Brock Adams ) To 1/17/1991 ( the Persian Gulf War begins ) is 23380 days
23380 = 11690 + 11690
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 11/4/1997 is 11690 days
From 10/21/1959 ( premiere US film "The Wonderful Country" ) To 11/4/1997 is 13894 days
13894 = 6947 + 6947
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 11/9/1984 ( premiere US film "A Nightmare on Elm Street" ) is 6947 days
From 3/23/1990 ( premiere US film "Pretty Woman" ) To 11/4/1997 is 2783 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/16/1973 ( premiere US film "Apache on the County Seat" ) is 2783 days
From 12/20/1994 ( in Bosnia as Kerry Wayne Burgess the United States Marine Corps captain this day is my United States Navy Cross medal date of record ) To 11/4/1997 is 1050 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 9/17/1968 ( premiere US TV series "Julia" ) is 1050 days
From 11/15/1993 ( the USS Wainwright CG 28 decommissioned ) To 11/4/1997 is 1450 days
1450 = 725 + 725
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 10/28/1967 ( Julia Roberts ) is 725 days
From 5/12/1991 ( I was the winning race driver at the Monaco Grand Prix ) To 11/4/1997 is 2368 days
2368 = 1184 + 1184
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 1/29/1969 ( Allen Welsh Dulles dead ) is 1184 days
From 2/17/1909 ( Geronimo deceased ) To 2/19/1941 ( David Gross ) is 11690 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 11/4/1997 is 11690 days
From 3/16/1991 ( my first successful major test of my ultraspace matter transportation device as Kerry Wayne Burgess the successful Ph.D. graduate Columbia South Carolina ) To 11/4/1997 is 2425 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/23/1972 ( Richard Nixon is recorded on tape conspiring to cover-up Watergate ) is 2425 days
From 7/2/1944 ( premiere US film "Marshal of Reno" ) To 7/4/1976 ( at extreme personal risk to himself my biological brother Thomas Reagan the civilian and privately financed astronaut in his privately financed atom-pulse propulsion spaceship successfully intercepts the Comet Lucifer in the outer solar system and diverts it away from the planet Earth ) is 11690 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 11/4/1997 is 11690 days
From 1/17/1961 ( the "military-industrial complex" speech by Dwight Eisenhower ) To 1/19/1993 ( in Asheville North Carolina as Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess I was seriously wounded by gunfire when I returned fatal gunfire to a fugitive from United States federal justice ) is 11690 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 11/4/1997 is 11690 days
From 7/18/1940 ( James Brolin ) To 11/4/1997 is 20928 days
20928 = 10464 + 10464
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/27/1994 ( the NASA Stargazer Pegasus rocket failure ) is 10464 days
From 6/2/1978 ( premiere US film "Capricorn One" ) To 11/4/1997 is 7095 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 4/6/1985 ( premiere US TV series episode "Saturday Night Live"::"Christopher Reeve" ) is 7095 days
From 1/21/1976 ( my biological brother Thomas Reagan the civilian and privately financed astronaut bound for deep space in his privately financed atom-pulse propulsion spaceship this day was his first landing the planet Mars and his documented and lawful exclusive claim to the territory of the planet Mars ) To 11/4/1997 is 7958 days
7958 = 3979 + 3979
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 9/24/1976 ( premiere US TV series "Serpico" ) is 3979 days
From 12/25/1971 ( George Walker Bush the purveyor of illegal drugs strictly for his personal profit including the trafficking of massive amounts of cocaine into the United States confined to federal prison in Mexico for illegally smuggling narcotics in Mexico ) To 11/4/1997 is 9446 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 9/13/1991 ( premiere US film "Freddy's Dead: The Final Nightmare" ) is 9446 days
From 2/16/1926 ( Margot Frank ) To 11/4/1997 is 26194 days
26194 = 13097 + 13097
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official Deputy United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 9/11/2001 ( the World Trade Center towers destroyed in New York City ) is 13097 days
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0120201/releaseinfo
IMDb
Starship Troopers (1997)
Release Info
USA 4 November 1997 (Westwood, California) (premiere)
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=53509
The American Presidency Project
William J. Clinton
XLII President of the United States: 1993 - 2001
Remarks at a Dinner for Senator John F. Kerry
November 4, 1997
Thank you very much, John, Teresa, ladies and gentlemen. First of all, I would very much like to thank Senator Kerry for explaining the commitments he made in the last election, because we were all wondering why we were here tonight. [Laughter] And now we know we've come to help Reverend Kerry keep his vow of poverty. [Laughter]
Let me say on a only slightly more serious note, I liked a lot of things about the campaign of 1996. I liked the fact that we were able to go out and finally say that there were two different visions of this country. The American people voted for one of them in 1994; they voted for another one in 1992. They fought us on everything we tried to do with the economy, with crime, with welfare, with the environment. The results were in, and the American people made a judgment.
And John Kerry in many ways had to run the most difficult of all races for an incumbent, because he had to run against a sitting Governor who was immensely popular and was not sort of a cardboard cutout of the contract on America. And I was absolutely determined that if I could do anything to help him get reelected, I would do it. And I loved every minute of every day I ever spent in Massachusetts, and I was tickled that he won.
And I might say, in the campaign that he had to put together to win, with the grassroots support and the intensity, it was—Massachusetts became the only State in the country where every single Republican running for Federal office was removed. And it was a great, great effort. And it is not because—contrary to what a lot people think—the State is a doctrinaire liberal State; that's just not true. Those of you who live there know that. [Laughter]
So, I'm glad to be here. I'm also glad to be here because I do consider that John and Teresa are sort of soulmates of mine and Hillary's and our whole crew. They believe in the nobility of public service, and they believe in the imperatives of change.
You know, when I came here back in '93, one of the reasons I ran for President is that I really thought our country was getting in deeper and deeper and deeper trouble and drifting more and dividing more because Washington continued to be dominated by the same old stale debates and name-calling and categorizing that didn't bear much relationship to the real world in which I lived.
You know, on the budget, are you going to cut taxes and explode the deficit, or spend more money and just run it up a little less? On crime, were you tough or soft? That's the dumbest thing I ever heard. I never met anybody who was for crime. I'm still looking for the first person to come and say, you know, "My policy is, vote for me and I'll bring you more crime." [Laughter] We should either treat everyone on welfare as if they're pikers who are milking the system, or just give them more money for the same system—all these things that you heard in these debates and it was—it was so jangling. And I realize a lot of it—now I know a lot of it is the way it is presented to the people through the interlocutors. But what we tried to do was to change the way people thought.
And I agree with John—a lot of—I'm not sure that it's all that clear to the American people that that's been done, but it is true. I said, you know, on the economy, why don't we cut the deficit and balance the budget and find a way to spend more money on education and research and technology? If we had the right priorities and right discipline, we could do that. And everybody said I was crazy, but 4 years later—we started with a $290 billion deficit, we have one that's $22 billion now, and we're spending more money on education. We just opened the doors of college to all Americans that are willing to work for it in this last balanced budget, thanks in no small measure to John Kerry's support and the fact that he stepped up to the plate in 1993 and helped us when everybody in the other party said I was bringing a recession to America.
On welfare, we said able-bodied people should be required to work, but don't take away the guarantee of health care and nutrition from those children, and give child care to the parents, because the most important job any of us ever have is taking care of our children.
On education, we said we want to spend more money, but we want to raise standards, too. On crime, we said, yes, be tough, but how about being smart for a change. Put more police on the streets, and take the assault weapons off the street. If somebody's got a criminal or a mental health history, don't let them buy a gun. That may seem common sense to you, but the leaders of the other party and almost all their members opposed us on every single one of those things.
And we were just determined to break new ground. John understood it from the beginning. He knew that we had to break new ground not only to make the Democratic Party a majority party but, far more important, to bring the country together and to move it into a new century. And I'm proud to be here for that reason.
Today he was one of a majority of our caucus voting to invoke cloture on the fast-track legislation, which I think is a very good thing for America. It will give me a chance not only to break down more barriers to our goods and services but also will give me more leverage to do what those who oppose us in our party say they want, which is to lift the labor and environmental standards that other countries observe, as well. So I feel comfortable here because I think we're engaged in an important enterprise.
I also want to say a special word about the campaign finance reform issue because John's worked very hard on that. He didn't take any PAC money running for Senator. I didn't take any PAC money when I ran for President. And I started off being the next-to-least well-known person in the field in New Hampshire.
Now, some say, well, is there any difference between the two parties because the Democrats raised so-called soft money? All I know is what John just said: All of our Senators, 100 percent of them, said, "Bring the bill up; we'll vote for it."
But I think it's also important that you understand what's driving campaign finance reform. I do not believe that campaigns are too costly and require contributions that are too large because people like you are running up to us throwing big checks at us to try to get major influence. I think what happens is people like you worry that people like us are going to get beat if we don't have enough money to buy increasingly expensive advertising. In other words, this is not a supply-driven problem. This is a demand-driven problem. And some of the people that excoriate us the most over this campaign finance problem—I haven't noticed any of them calling me and offering to give all the people who observe stricter limits free or reduced air time. That is the problem. So we have to find a way solve it. It's more likely that we'll solve it because John Kerry is in the Senate. And it's important because the faith of ordinary citizens need to be restored in the dayto-day processes of our institutions—all of them.
You know, when we denigrate other people in terms of their motives and what they're doing to institutions, when we attack people personally, when we pretend that people are somehow ethically inferior to ourselves—when we do that, any of us, whether we're in public life or the press or whatever—we may gain a short-term advantage, but in the end what we do is we increase public disillusionment with all institutions. And that's what all the surveys show is going on.
I had a fascinating conversation with Senator Dole not long after the election. He came by the White House and we sat and talked. And I said, "You know, Bob, you've been here in this town a lot longer than I have." He said, "Yeah, that's what I tried to convince the voters of." [Laughter] And we were having a great talk. And I said, "Now, tell me the truth. Is politics in Washington more honest or less honest today than it was 30 years ago?" He said, "My Lord, it's not even close." He said, "It's far more honest today than it's ever been. There's far less corruption, far less impropriety." He said, "It's by far the best it's ever been."
Why don't the American people think that? And insofar as any of us ever contribute to their not thinking that, we ought to reconsider our positions. We need to fix the campaign finance system because it's over 20 years old; it's no longer consistent with the present realities of campaigning. But many of the very people who say, "All those politicians, they're all raising too much money," a lot of those people vote for the people who have the most effective negative television ads on, or just the most television ads on.
So we have to say this is an American responsibility. We have to work through it. And we need to find a commonsense solution to this, not a name-calling solution. But we'll do it. We always figure out how to do these things. It's more likely that we'll do it because John Kerry was reelected to the Senate.
Let me just make one general point. If you look at the fight we had over the Contract With America, if you look at what we tried to do with the economy, with the environment, with crime, with welfare, all these issues, if you look at the arguments we have over affirmative action or over whether we should open positions of public service to gays and lesbians, or any of these issues, you see a contrasting view of how we should define our American community. And in a funny way, that may be the most important issue of all.
My three little watch words are: opportunity, responsibility, community. Everybody ought to have an opportunity, everybody ought to be responsible, and everybody who is responsible should be part of our community. And if we can reach across all the lines that divide us to make one America, then everything else will probably come out all right. That's what I believe.
But we are having a debate today that you could see in the '92 election, in the '94 election, in the '96 election, that I predict will play itself out for another decade or so, about how we're going to define America in the 21st century: What will it mean to be an American? How will we define our country? And it's a debate we periodically have.
The first time we had it, ironically, it was the predecessors of the Republican Party, the Federalists, who gave the right answer, when John Marshall became the Chief Justice of the United States and basically said there are times when there must be one Nation, one law guaranteeing the constitutional rights of the American people, the minority as well as the majority.
Eighteen sixty, Abraham Lincoln redefined the Nation, said, "If I have to give my life, I'll do that to keep the country together and to recognize the rights of people previously oppressed."
In the Progressive Era, Theodore Roosevelt, coming out against abuses of child labor, the preservation of our natural resources, using the power of the Nation to bring us together and to look to the future and to put our children first, redefined again the importance of our conscious working together as a Nation, and the Government as an instrument of citizens coming together.
Then a funny thing happened. The mantle of carrying the Nation on shifted from the Republican Party to the Democratic Party, and Woodrow Wilson took it up. And then it was reinvigorated under Franklin Roosevelt in the Depression and World War II and then under Harry Truman. And then after the war, there were, frankly, progressives in both parties who shared a consensus that maybe the cold war helped them to hold together. After all, it was a Democratic Congress and President Nixon that produced the EPA and the first Clean Air Act.
Then in the last two decades, you have seen again a splitting apart of the consensus of what it means to be an American. We, as Democrats, believe that individual rights are important. We believe our individual values are important. We believe what happens to all children affects our children. We believe we don't have a child to waste. We're proud of our heritage, but we think we owe everybody else's as much respect. And we believe that our Government should not be a pain in the neck, it shouldn't be any bigger than necessary, but it ought to be strong enough to give people the tools to make the most of their own lives and to build strong families and strong communities.
Increasingly, the other party has said that Government is the problem, and that we're bound together as a community if we say we believe in the same things, but we really don't have any enforceable obligations to one another. I disagree.
But if you look at the real debates we've had—on welfare reform, I had no problem with requiring everybody on welfare to go to work. I had a big problem with taking away the guarantee of health care and nutrition from their kids, for example. On crime, I had no problem with making people who did terrible things serve longer sentences. But I knew we'd lower crime more if we put 100,000 cops on the street and took the assault weapons off the street. And it turned out that was right. But those were joint decisions we made together for the common benefit of everyone.
I want you to think about the political debates that we see just in the next 2 years, and you remember what I said tonight. And you will see people redefining their own allegiances based on new issues for a new time and what they think binds us together as a country.
I'm convinced that we were able to win the White House because more and more people who thought they were Republican or independent, who lived in suburbs, began to feel common cause with their neighbors and be willing to make common policies that affected us all in ways that they didn't before—on the budget, on crime, on welfare, on education, you name it, across the board.
But I think that's what makes our party special. It's not liberal/conservative. It's whether you believe that you are a piece of the main and a part of the whole, whether you really believe that your family will only be as good as it can be if everybody else's family has a chance, too. That is the single driving passion of our party today, and I think John Kerry embodies it. And I'm proud to be with him tonight.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at 9:23 p.m. at a private residence.
http://www.divxmoviesenglishsubtitles.com/S/Starship_Troopers_(Special_Edition).html
Starship Troopers
It really stinks, you goin'.
Yeah, well, the Mobile Infantry'll just have to get along without me.
I don't get it.
You took your licks. If they didn't want you, they would've kicked you out.
I joined up for the wrong reasons. I got a guy killed.
I figure that kinda proves I don't have what it takes.
Your call's goin' through. Take it there.
- Hi, Mom. - Bill, pick it up. It's Johnny.
- Dad. - Where's your uniform?
It's just good to hear from you. How are you, son?
It's not really working out here for me, Dad.
I was thinking-- I was hoping it would be all right if I came home.
Well, of course. You should come home immediately.
- I'm sorry. I've been an idiot. - Don't say that. Just come on home.
We'll talk things out.
We love you, son.
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0101917/releaseinfo
IMDb
Freddy's Dead: The Final Nightmare (1991)
Release Info
USA 13 September 1991
http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=A000031
Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
ADAMS, Brockman (Brock), (1927 - 2004)
ADAMS, Brockman (Brock), a Representative and a Senator from Washington; born in Atlanta, Ga., on January 13, 1927
United States attorney for the Western District of Washington 1961-1964; elected as a Democrat to the Eighty-ninth and to the six succeeding Congresses and served from January 3, 1965, until his resignation on January 22, 1977; chairman, Committee on the Budget (Ninety-fourth Congress); Secretary of Transportation in the Cabinet of President Jimmy Carter 1977-1979; resumed the practice of law in Washington State; elected as a Democrat to the United States Senate in 1986, and served from January 3, 1987, to January 3, 1993; was not a candidate for reelection in 1992
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Washington%27s_7th_congressional_district
Washington's 7th congressional district
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Washington's 7th congressional district encompasses most of Seattle, all of Vashon Island, Edmonds, Shoreline, Kenmore, and parts of Burien and Normandy Park. Since 1989, the 7th District has been represented in the U.S. House of Representatives by Jim McDermott, a Democrat.
The 7th is the most Democratic district in the Pacific Northwest, and the most Democratic district on the West Coast outside of the San Francisco Bay Area or Los Angeles. It is also the most Democratic majority-white district in the United States. Democrats dominate every level of government, and routinely win elections by well over 70 percent of the vote. Al Gore swept the 7th District in 2000 with 72% of the vote while John Kerry won 79% of the vote in the district in 2004. Barack Obama took in 84% of the vote in the district in 2008.
http://community.seattletimes.nwsource.com/archive/?date=19920301&slug=1478550
The Seattle Times
Sunday, March 1, 1992
8 More Women Accuse Adams -- Allegations Of Two Decades Of Sexual Harassment, Abuse - And A Rape
By Susan Gilmore, Eric Nalder, Eric Pryne, David Boardman
Sen. Brock Adams has sexually harassed and physically molested female employees and associates over the past two decades, according to eight who say they are victims.
The allegations range from aggressive sexual harassment to rape, and include stories of Adams plying women with a mixture of drugs and alcohol.
The women, fearful of being thrust into the public spotlight, all spoke to The Times on the condition their names not be published. Seven have signed statements attesting to the truth of their stories and another has said she will. They all acknowledged they could be required to testify in court should Adams sue The Times, as his lawyer has threatened.
The senator, when asked about the allegations, refused to comment.
"I am giving no interviews on that at all," he said.
The eight women - as well as others not willing to sign statements but insisting that they, too, were his victims - have told their stories to The Times since September 1988. That was when Kari Tupper, a former congressional aide and a family friend of Adams, publicly claimed that the senator had drugged and molested her at his Washington, D.C., home a year and a half earlier.
Although the District of Columbia police officer who investigated Tupper's claims requested a warrant to arrest Adams, no criminal charges were ever filed. The U.S. attorney for the District said Tupper's case had no merit. Adams insisted it was a fabrication designed to extort money from him.
But in the months after Tupper's story became public, other people contacted The Times, saying they had information or personal experiences to suggest Tupper was telling the truth.
Since then, Times reporters and an editor have interviewed dozens of people claiming such knowledge. Some came forward on their own; most were found through contacts.
Among them are these eight women:
-- A former Democratic Party activist who says that in the early 1970s, when Adams was a member of the U.S. House of Representatives, he called and said it was urgent that they meet at a bar in Seattle's University District. She says Adams bought her a drink, and after learning she had a cold, gave her two pills he said were vitamin C but which she now suspects were a narcotic.
They spent a couple of hours at the bar, she says, and she felt increasingly strange. Adams followed her home and, she says, insisted they have sex. As she objected, she says, he forced her to the couch and raped her. She says he left immediately - but not before throwing $200 on a table, saying she should use it to help pay her way to a Democratic function in Eastern Washington.
"I have no doubt he drugged me. I have no doubt he raped me," the woman says. Her hope now is "that Brock Adams gets discovered for what he really is."
-- A lobbyist who worked as a secretary for Adams during his tenure as secretary of transportation during the Carter administration. In the summer of 1978, she says, Adams asked her to play tennis with him after work. In the office late that afternoon, she says, he handed her a glass of wine that contained what looked to her to be the remnants of a ground-up pill. She didn't drink it. Adams then sat next to her on a couch, kissing her neck and fondling her breast, she says, as she froze with shock and intimidation. He was called away by a telephone call.
Kari Tupper claimed that Adams had placed a drug in a cocktail she drank, causing her to lose consciousness.
"I feel the only difference between Kari Tupper and me is that I didn't drink my drink," the lobbyist says now.
-- A woman who says she was given a drink by Adams that she said appeared to be champagne to which a red liquid had been added. She said she blacked out, and regained consciousness later to find Adams removing her clothes.
Although this woman detailed her experience for reporters, she would not agree to publication of those specific details because she feared negative consequences.
Another woman, who also has signed a document attesting to the truth of her story, says she was drugged by Adams. That woman, a former Democratic Party volunteer, says that during a visit to the state in early 1987, the senator invited her to have a drink. She says he poured the drink from a green bottle containing a red liquid, which she described as sickly sweet - similar to how Tupper describes her cocktail.
The drink made the woman feel very woozy. She says she has no idea what happened next, but that eventually Adams took her to her car and she drove home, still very dizzy. Only when she heard Tupper's story about having been drugged with a pink liquid did this woman reach the conclusion she had been drugged.
-- A secretary who worked for Adams for more than a decade - in government, in his private law practice and in his 1986 Senate campaign. She says Adams routinely harassed her: kissing her against her will, grabbing her breasts, rubbing against her buttocks. On one out-of-town business trip they took together, she says, Adams invited her to his room. When she didn't show up, he telephoned her repeatedly through the night. Afterward, she says, he became cold and critical toward her.
Additionally, she says, other women employees of Adams came to her many times with complaints of the senator's inappropriate, sexually aggressive behavior.
"We referred to it as `Brock's problem.' Everybody did," she recalls.
-- A former corporate lobbyist who says that at a formal luncheon in 1982, attended by several other business people, Adams - then an attorney in private practice - stuck his hand deep inside her skirt and kept it on her upper thigh for about 15 minutes while she discreetly struggled under the table to remove it.
She says another woman told her later that she had arrived at the luncheon before the lobbyist, and had taken the seat next to Adams. She soon found his hand on her thigh, and moved to another vacant seat.
-- A former aide who says that in the late 1980s Adams made several aggressive and unwelcomed sexual advances toward her, including open-mouth kissing her against her will.
On one occasion, she says, Adams invited her to his Seattle apartment, ostensibly to talk about political strategy, then took off his shoes and rubbed his feet up and down her leg.
As she made excuses to leave his apartment, she says, he followed her to her car. As she was ready to drive, she says, he leaned through her open car window and planted a wet kiss on her mouth.
Adams told her that he needed someone special in his life, someone to comfort him night and day, the woman recalled. Stunned, she tried to avoid his advances, which she said continued for several days. She says he invited her to hotel rooms, kissed her against her will, tried to corner her at parties.
Although she feared it could have cost her her job, she finally told a co-worker about it. At last, she said, the harassment ended.
"In the political world, you get hit on all the time, but never so blatantly where you feel your job depended on what you did," said the woman, who was in her late 20s at the time.
Following the incident, she said, she was told there was a problem with Adams and women, "but it was not until the Kari Tupper thing that I realized it was more pervasive than I had thought."
-- A woman who worked with Adams at the Department of Transportation in the late 1970s, who says he made unwanted sexual advances toward her on three separate occasions. The first time, she says, he grabbed her and kissed her after calling her into a room for what was supposed to be a business meeting.
"You get out of it as best you can," the woman remembers. "I talked my way out."
But that wasn't the end of it. "He wouldn't take no for an answer," she remembers. "The persistence was what really struck me about it. I've never known anyone in that position to go that far."
She doesn't hesitate to label his advances sexual harassment now. But that phrase wasn't in the vernacular then, the woman says.
"No matter how many excuses people make," she says, "men in a position of power should not be able to use that power to victimize other people."
-- A former secretary at the Seattle law firm at which Adams was a partner, who says that in the early 1980s, Adams on more than one occasion brushed against her inappropriately for what she calls "a cheap thrill."
She says she was offended at Adams' actions, and complained to others at the firm who were "very, very protective of me."
Other former employees of the firm say they were well aware of Adams' harassment of female workers.
"There is a pattern here. He may not think so, but maybe he should get some help," said a former receptionist.
The secretary says her case is minor, but "I do believe it is possible that it is his nature to be that way, and I feel bad for him."
The accusers are backed by other women who say they were victims and others who claim knowledge of Adams' actions.
A woman who worked in an important position in Adams' 1986 Senate campaign said she and others close to him were aware of what they called "Brock's problem," a propensity to prey on women over whom he held power. That source, who has also signed a document attesting to the truth of her statements, said she was told by at least two women of their abuse by Adams and heard indirectly about several others.
None of the allegations can be proven absolutely. There were no witnesses to the incidents, nor - except in Tupper's case - were police ever notified.
However, in virtually all the cases, the women immediately told associates, friends and/or family members who have corroborated circumstances and attested to the women's credibility.
The most recent of the incidents was in 1987; none of them took place after Tupper's allegations were publicized in September 1988.
Several women said aides to Adams have contacted them, as recently as last week, in an attempt to dissuade them from talking to the press about the alleged incidents.
"It's astounding," said the former Adams campaign worker who said she was not herself harassed but knew victims. "They had everyone call me to get me not to talk.
"This really bothers me at a fundamental level. Everybody has looked the other way."
Adams' staff was told the nature of the allegations last Wednesday morning, and The Times requested an interview with the senator. When a formal interview was denied, a Times reporter questioned Adams at a Friday night fund-raising event in Seattle.
His only response was to decline comment. His wife, Betty, who was at his side, had a different response:
"You know, we are really tired of all this scum-bum kind of stuff," she said. "It's a witchhunt you are doing, and we are sick of it."
While the timing of the upcoming election may have influenced some of the women to describe their experiences with Adams, none appears to be motivated by partisan politics. Most are Democrats, have been active in campaigns for Democratic candidates and, in the past, some have worked for Adams.
Only two of the women are actively campaigning against Adams' re-election, although all are opposed to it.
The women included here struggled over whether to go even this far in making public their experiences with Adams.
"He's very powerful," said his former personal secretary. "No one would believe you anyway. It's his word against yours. Why put yourself in jeopardy?"
Although she is not campaigning against Adams, it was the upcoming election, she said, that finally motivated her.
"Brock has a veil of deceit around him; the voters don't know what they are going for," she said. "The people who insulated him, who protected him, will be impacted by this. But they made those choices all along.
"This is now my choice. I choose to let the public know who he is."
http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/president-nixon-in-moscow
HISTORY
THIS DAY IN HISTORY
May 22, 1972:
President Nixon in Moscow
On this day, President Richard Nixon arrives in Moscow for a summit with Soviet leaders.
Although it was Nixon's first visit to the Soviet Union as president, he had visited Moscow once before--as U.S. vice president. As Eisenhower's vice president, Nixon made frequent official trips abroad, including a 1959 trip to Moscow to tour the Soviet capital and to attend the U.S. Trade and Cultural Fair in Sokolniki Park. Soon after Vice President Nixon arrived in July 1959, he opened an informal debate with Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev about the merits and disadvantages of their governments' political and economic systems. Known as the "Kitchen Debate" because of a particularly heated exchange between Khrushchev and Nixon that occurred in the kitchen of a model U.S. home at the American fair, the dialogue was a defining moment in the Cold War.
Nixon's second visit to Moscow in May 1972, this time as president, was for a more conciliatory purpose. During a week of summit meetings with Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev and other Soviet officials, the United States and the USSR reached a number of agreements, including one that laid the groundwork for a joint space flight in 1975. On May 26, Nixon and Brezhnev signed the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT), the most significant of the agreements reached during the summit. The treaty limited the United States and the USSR to 200 antiballistic missiles each, which were to be divided between two defensive systems. President Nixon returned to the United States on May 30.
http://www.imdb.com/name/nm0000387/bio
IMDb
Robert Englund
Biography
Date of Birth 6 June 1947 , Glendale, California, USA
Birth Name Robert Barton Englund
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0087800/quotes
IMDb
A Nightmare on Elm Street (1984)
Quotes
Nancy: Whatever you do... don't fall asleep.
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0087800/releaseinfo
IMDb
A Nightmare on Elm Street (1984)
Release Info
USA 9 November 1984 (limited)
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0053453/releaseinfo
IMDb
The Wonderful Country (1959)
Release Info
USA 21 October 1959 (premiere)
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0053453/plotsummary
IMDb
The Wonderful Country (1959)
Plot Summary
Having fled to Mexico from the U.S. many years ago for killing his father's murderer, Martin Brady travels to Texas to broker an arms deal for his Mexican boss, strongman Governor Cipriano Castro. Brady breaks a leg and while recuperating in Texas the gun shipment is stolen. Complicating matters further the wife of local army major Colton has designs on him, and the local Texas Ranger captain makes him a generous offer to come back to the states and join his outfit. After killing a man in self defense, Brady slips back over the border and confronts Castro who is not only unhappy that Brady has lost his gun shipment but is about to join forces with Colton to battle the local raiding Apache Indians.
http://www.tv.com/shows/julia/mamas-man-21199/
tv.com
Julia Season 1 Episode 1
Mama's Man
Aired Tuesday 8:30 PM Sep 17, 1968 on NBC
AIRED: 9/17/68
http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/physics/laureates/2004/gross-facts.html
Nobelprize.org
The Official Web Site of the Nobel Prize
The Nobel Prize in Physics 2004
David J. Gross, H. David Politzer, Frank Wilczek
David J. Gross
Born: 19 February 1941, Washington, DC, USA
Affiliation at the time of the award: University of California, Kavli Institute for Theoretical Physics, Santa Barbara, CA, USA
Prize motivation: "for the discovery of asymptotic freedom in the theory of the strong interaction"
Field: particle physics
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0701191/quotes
IMDb
The Simpsons (TV Series)
Oh Brother, Where Art Thou? (1991)
Quotes
Herb: [on phone] Okay, this is what you're gonna do. You're gonna hang up, call me back, and say the exact opposite of everything you just said. Goodbye.
[hangs up]
Herb: Bart, Lisa, come over here.
Lisa Simpson: What is it, Unkie Herb?
Herb: I want you to hear what the guys down at the plant think of your old man.
[phone rings]
Herb: Hello?
Engineer: Um, Homer Simpson is a... brilliant man with lots of well thought-out, practical, ideas. He is insuring the financial security of this company for years to come. Oh yes, and his personal hygiene is above reproach.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/politics/special/watergate/part3.html
The Washington Post
THE WATERGATE STORY
Part 3
Nixon resigns
"One year of Watergate is enough," President Nixon declared in his State of the Union address in January 1974. But the embattled president could not put the issue behind him. Special prosecutor Jaworski and the Senate Watergate Committee continued to demand that the White House turn over tapes and transcripts. As public support for Nixon waned, the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives began to consider the ultimate sanction for a president--impeachment.
Nixon cast himself as a defender of the presidency. He insisted that he had made mistakes but broke no laws. He said he had no prior knowledge of the burglary and did not know about the cover-up until early 1973. To release the tapes, he said, would harm future chief executives. The pressure on Nixon mounted in March 1974, when the special prosecutor indicted former Attorney General John Mitchell, former aides Haldeman and Ehrlichman, and four other staffers for conspiracy, obstruction of justice and perjury in connection with the Watergate burglary. While the grand jury wanted to indict Nixon himself, Jaworski declined to do so doubting the constitutionality of indicting a sitting president.
To mollify his critics, Nixon announced in April 1974 the release of 1,200 pages of transcripts of conversations between him and his aides. The conversations, "candid beyond any papers ever made public by a President," in the words of The Post stoked more outrage. Even Nixon's most loyal conservative supporters voiced dismay about profanity-laced discussions in the White House around how to raise blackmail money and avoid perjury.
Nixon's legal defense began to crumble in May when a federal court ruled in favor of Jaworksi's subpoena for the White House tapes. Nixon's lawyers appealed the decision to the Supreme Court. His political position faltered in June, amid reports that all 21 Democratic members of the House Judiciary Committee were prepared to vote for impeachment. On July 24, the Supreme Court unanimously ordered the White House to hand over the tapes to the special prosecutor. Two days later the Judicary Committee approved one article of impeachment to be voted on by the entire House.
When Nixon released the tapes a week later, a June 23, 1972, conversation showed that Nixon had, contrary to repeated claims of innocence, played a leading role in the cover-up from the very start. Dubbed "the smoking gun" tape, this recording eliminated what little remained of Nixon's support. Even his closest aides told him he had to resign or face the almost certain prospect of impeachment.
http://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/bday/0616.html
The New York Times
February 18, 1909
OBITUARY
Old Apache Chief Geronimo Is Dead
Special to The New York Times
LAWTON, Okla., Feb. 17.--Geronimo, the Apache Indian chief, died of pneumonia to-day in the hospital at Fort Sill. He was nearly 90 years of age, and had been held at the Fort as a prisoner of war for many years.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Gross
David Gross
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
David Jonathan Gross (born February 19, 1941) is an American particle physicist and string theorist. Along with Frank Wilczek and David Politzer, he was awarded the 2004 Nobel Prize in Physics for their discovery of asymptotic freedom. He is the former director and current holder of the Frederick W. Gluck Chair in Theoretical Physics at the Kavli Institute for Theoretical Physics of the University of California, Santa Barbara. He is also a faculty member in the UC Santa Barbara Physics Department and is currently affiliated with the Institute for Quantum Studies at Chapman University in California.
Biography
He was born to a Jewish family in Washington, D.C. in February 19, 1941. His parents were Nora (Faine) and Bertram Myron Gross (1912–1997). Gross received his bachelor's degree and master's degree from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel, in 1962. He received his Ph.D. in physics from the University of California, Berkeley in 1966 under the supervision of Geoffrey Chew.
He was a Junior Fellow at Harvard University and a Professor at Princeton University until 1997. He was the recipient of a MacArthur Foundation Fellowship in 1987, the Dirac Medal in 1988 and the Harvey Prize in 2000.
In 1973, Gross, working with his first graduate student, Frank Wilczek, at Princeton University, discovered asymptotic freedom, which holds that the closer quarks are to each other, the less the strong interaction (or color charge) is between them; when quarks are in extreme proximity, the nuclear force between them is so weak that they behave almost as free particles. Asymptotic freedom, independently discovered by Politzer, was important for the development of quantum chromodynamics.
Gross, with Jeffrey A. Harvey, Emil Martinec, and Ryan Rohm also formulated the theory of the heterotic string. The four were to be whimsically nicknamed the "Princeton String Quartet".
http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/physics/laureates/2004/gross-lecture.pdf
THE DISCOVERY OF ASYMPTOTIC FREEDOM AND THE EMERGENCE OF QCD
Nobel Lecture, December 8, 2004
by
David J. Gross
Kavli Institute for Theoretical Physics, UCSB, Santa Barbara, California, USA.
INTRODUCTION
The progress of science is much more muddled than is depicted in most history books. This is especially true of theoretical physics, partly because history is written by the victorious. Consequently, historians of science often ignore the many alternate paths that people wandered down, the many false clues they followed, the many misconceptions they had. These alternate points of view are less clearly developed than the final theories, harder to understand and easier to forget, especially as these are viewed years later, when it all really does make sense. Thus reading history one rarely gets the feeling of the true nature of scientific development, in which the element of farce is as great as the element of triumph.
The emergence of QCD is a wonderful example of the evolution from farce to triumph. During a very short period, a transition occurred from experimental discovery and theoretical confusion to theoretical triumph and experimental confirmation. In this Nobel lecture I shall describe the turn of events that led to the discovery of asymptotic freedom, which in turn led to the formulation of QCD, the final element of the remarkably comprehensive theory of elementary particle physics – the Standard Model. I shall then briefly describe the experimental tests of the theory and the implications of asymptotic freedom.
PARTICLE PHYSCIS IN THE 1960’S
The early 1960’s, when I started my graduate studies at UC Berkeley, were a period of experimental supremacy and theoretical impotence. The construction and utilization of major accelerators were proceeding at full steam. Experimental discoveries and surprises appeared every few months. There was hardly any theory to speak of. The emphasis was on phenomenology, and there were only small islands of theoretical advances here and there. Field theory was in disgrace; S-Matrix theory was in full bloom. Symmetries were all the rage. Of the four forces observed in nature, only gravity and electromagnetism were well understood. The other two forces, the weak force responsible for radioactivity and the strong nuclear force that operated within the
nucleus, were largely mysterious. Particle physics was divided into the study of the weak and the strong interactions, the two mysterious forces that operate within the nucleus. In the case of the weak interactions, there was a rather successful phenomenological theory, but not much new data. The strong interactions were where the experimental and theoretical action was, particularly at Berkeley. They were regarded as especially unfathomable. In hindsight this was not surprising since nature was hiding her secrets. The basic constituents of hadrons (strongly interacting particles) were invisible. We now know that these are quarks, but no one had ever seen a quark, no matter how hard protons were smashed into protons. Furthermore, the “color” charges we now know are the source of the Chromodynamic fields, the analogs of the electric charge, were equally invisible. The prevalent feeling was that it would take a very long time to understand the nuclear force and that it would require revolutionary concepts. Freeman Dyson had asserted that “the correct theory will not be found in the next hundred years”. For a young graduate student, such as myself, this was clearly the biggest challenge.
JOURNAL ARCHIVE: 10/05/07 3:34 PM
(3/3/1959 to USS Albany launch) * 0.333 = (7/16/1963 to 12/14/1972)
JOURNAL ARCHIVE: 10/05/07 3:49 PM
(from 7/16/1969 to 6/13/1987) * 0.3359 = (7/16/1963 to 7/21/1969)
http://www.nvr.navy.mil/nvrships/details/SSN753.htm
USS ALBANY (SSN 753)
SUBMARINE (NUCLEAR-POWERED)
Launch Date: 06/13/1987
[JOURNAL ARCHIVE 05 October 2007 excerpt ends]
JOURNAL ARCHIVE: Posted by H.V.O.M at 3:28 PM Wednesday, November 14, 2007
From 3/3/1959 to 7/20/1969 ( Apollo 11 lunar landing with me onboard ) is: 3792 days
From 7/16/1963 ( my wife ) to 9/16/1994 ( "Timecop" ) is: 11385 days
3792 / 11385 = 0.333
'333'
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0111438/
Timecop (1994)
Release Date: 16 September 1994 (USA)
Jean-Claude Van Damme ... Max Walker
Mia Sara ... Melissa Walker
[JOURNAL ARCHIVE 14 November 2007 excerpt ends]
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/173365/Allen-W-Dulles
Encyclopædia Britannica
Allen W. Dulles
Allen W. Dulles, in full Allen Welsh Dulles (born April 7, 1893, Watertown, New York, U.S.—died January 29, 1969, Washington, D.C.), U.S. diplomat and intelligence expert, who was director (1953–61) of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) during its early period of growth.
The younger brother of U.S. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles received an M.A. from Princeton in 1916 and then served in various diplomatic posts until 1922, when he was named chief of the State Department’s Near Eastern Division. After receiving a law degree in 1926, he served briefly as counselor to the U.S. delegation in Beijing and then joined the New York law firm of which his brother was a member.
When the United States entered World War II, Dulles was recruited by Colonel William J. Donovan for the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), an intelligence service. From October 1942 to May 1945 he served as chief of the OSS office in Bern, playing, in particular, a notable role in the events that led to the surrender of German troops in northern Italy.
In 1948 Dulles was made chairman of a three-man committee charged with surveying the U.S. intelligence system. After the CIA was established in 1951, he served as deputy director under General Walter Bedell Smith, and in 1953 he was appointed director by President Dwight D. Eisenhower. The agency was effective in a number of major operations, notably the overthrow of the governments of Mohammad Mosaddeq in Iran in 1953 and Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala in 1954. It also succeeded in obtaining a copy of Nikita Khrushchev’s secret speech of 1956 denouncing Joseph Stalin. It was, however, embarrassed by the downing of a U-2 intelligence plane over the Soviet Union on the eve of a scheduled summit conference in June 1960.
Reappointed by President John F. Kennedy, Dulles was implicated in the failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in April 1961 and resigned that autumn. He was the author of many articles and a number of books on foreign affairs, notably Germany’s Underground (1947), The Craft of Intelligence (1963), and The Secret Surrender (1966).
http://www.bbc.co.uk/annefrank/biogs/margotfrank.shtml
BBC
THE DIARY OF ANNE FRANK
Biographies
Margot Frank
About Margot
Margot was born on 16 February 1926 in Frankfurt, Germany - the first child of Edith and Otto.
Before the Secret Annex
The Frank family moved to Holland in 1933 and Margot attended school in Amsterdam. Her school friend Jetteke Frijda remembers Margot as a modest and kind girl, who didn't talk about herself or her life in Germany much.
On 5 July 1942, Margot received call-up papers for a labour camp in Germany. The next day, her parents took the family into hiding in to the Secret Annex above Otto's office which they had prepared.
During the Secret Annex
Margot remained very quiet and withdrawn in the annex, she spent a great deal of time on her studies, in the hope that when she returned to school she wouldn't be behind.
After the Secret Annex
When the annex was discovered and the family were arrested on 4 August 1944, Margot was sent with the others to Westerbork transit camp and then to Auschwitz-Birkenau.
She survived the initial selection for the gas chamber, but the following month, Margot and Anne were transferred to Bergen Belsen concentration camp. Margot died of typhus in the camp in March 1945, just a few weeks before it was liberated by Allied troops.
JOURNAL ARCHIVE: - posted by H.V.O.M - Kerry Wayne Burgess 05:17 AM Pacific Time Seattle USA Friday 22 February 2013 - http://hvom.blogspot.com/2013/02/chain-reaction.html
Back in the year 2003 I wrote a letter on my computer at home and I printed it out on to paper and I put that letter in a stamped envelope for the postal service and I sent that letter through the United States Postal Service. I had the envelope of the letter addressed specifically to the Chief of Operations United States Navy and I referenced a special projects branch I had found on the internet.
I wrote about a computer program I created for the guided missile computer complex system that would transfer memory from one of the computers to the other when we were in the Persian Gulf in 1988. We had two identical systems in place. They were twins you could say.
[JOURNAL ARCHIVE 22 February 2013 excerpt ends]
DSC00500.JPG
http://www.rcjohnso.com/Looper/Looper.pdf
Looper
Cid’s face straining, about to scream. Cid’s focus adjusts from Old Joe to Sara. She floats, reaching out to him. Frightened. Yelling something he can’t hear but he can see her eyes. Cid’s face breaks. He barely mouths the word
CID
Mom
- posted by H.V.O.M - Kerry Wayne Burgess 4:46 PM Pacific Time somewhere near Spokane Washington USA Friday 04 July 2014
