This Is What I Think.
Tuesday, May 26, 2015
"You who are reading me now are a different breed"
JOURNAL ARCHIVE: Posted by H.V.O.M at 11:45 PM Sunday, June 19, 2011
You're in my way out.
Sometime about 6 PM or 7 PM my time I was thinking again about that dream I wrote about that happened to me in early 2004. I have referenced it many times before now but what I have not indicated until now is that the person I referred to, the "guy that was on the same team as I" in the dream literally resembled a person I worked with at Microsoft up until the point I gave my notice to quit in late January 2004. He resembles one of the actors who was chopped up by the helicopter towards the ending of the 2007 film "28 Weeks Later." I saw a racketeering work that also had a look-alike of him but I can't recall that work now because I am half-drunk and I wish I had about a dozen more bottles of beer because a twelve-pack doesn't really cut it any more.
So anyway, I am probably forgetting some of the important details I wanted to note here. What I was thinking earlier this evening, about 6 PM or 7 PM my time, is that I was having dreams that are the result of the time traveler effect, or simply, that I am dreaming about the orders I was given in 1998 and that I was aware of even before that but only until the latter part of 1997 did I get confirmation that I would be the United States Marine who would be given the assignment.
As I was thinking earlier this evening, I am going to be standing on a hill north of downtown Seattle, sometime in the future from this present day, a hill I have identified as Queen Anne in Seattle Washington. As with the field reporter in that scene in the 8 December 2003 "Battlestar Galactica" television miniseries, I will stand there on that hill and outside and with cameras that I have set up, and I will stand there, in a point of view similar to the 2003 film "Paycheck" and I will stand there and I will describe to my microphone and the video cameras I have set up to create a three hundred sixty degree camera video presentation, that I hear the sonic booms of the MIRV's as they approach downtown Seattle a few miles in the distance and that I can see clearly from my vantage point that is about the same elevation as the top of the Seattle Space Needle, which is also in the camera view. I stand there waiting for the multiple impacts and I laugh over my radio circuit about how similar that is to the year 2005 when I am sitting in Gas Works Park. Before the strike, my orders over my radio circuit are to proceed to that high rise building and take down the United States flag and I have thought a lot about that during the day earlier today.
I also thought extensively about the point after I hear the sonic booms that signal the arrival of the nuclear bomb equipped MIRV's. What I wonder about is whether I continue to stare at the skyline of downtown Seattle and become afflicted with flash-blindness or if I cover my eyes at that point and then wait for the explosions, and with only a few seconds before the shockwave hits me, I uncover my eyes to witness the inferno of the nuclear bombs after they explode.
So as I was thinking today, back around 6 PM or 7 PM, the reason I saw that coworker and the reason why those people seem unconcerned, is because they are zombies. Zombies do not understand what nuclear bombs are.
Meanwhile, I have been thinking extensively about another invasion that will happen farther east of here. I think extensively, on a periodic basis, about how those invading forces will race down the interstate highway I-15 in the state of Montana and they will establish and air defense perimeter that will be successfully lethal against our United States of America air defenses. For one reason, our continental defense forces are currently compromised to the extent that the invading forces will have no problem establishing their defense perimeter. There will be resistance within the invasion zone but the resistance will be ineffective. I think about I-15 because that is their western-most perimeter. I am not so clear on their eastern most perimeter, of that particular invasion force, but I feel certain they will capture all of Montana and most if not all of North Dakota. If they capture all of North Dakota, I don't think they will capture all of Minnesota. The southern extent will be into Wyoming and South Dakota and maybe even farther. They are not concerned about losses of their invading troops. They have a lot of send over. I suspect we are going to lose at least one nuclear propulsion aircraft carrier that is currently operating in the Pacific. That is no surprise to me considering the anti-American behavior I have personally witnessed here in this area. The Seattle Washington downtown area is not really known for its United States Navy presence but there is that large United States Navy presence across the Puget Sound to the west. I have sometimes seen civilians that were obviously United States Navy sailors on liberty in downtown Seattle and they were obviously trying to make their presence known to me, as I see with other United States military forces in the area, but that observances have been rare.
As for the invading forces to the east, they are going to dig in and they are going to be in charge of United States of America territory for decades. The reason? Kill Whitey America. It is that simple. They are here to kill white America.
[JOURNAL ARCHIVE 19 June 2011 excerpt ends]
http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2013-06-27/news/sns-rt-us-obama-africa-slavery-20130627_1_michelle-obama-president-barack-obama-goree-island
Chicago Tribune
Obama starts long-awaited Africa tour at slave port
June 27, 2013 Mark Felsenthal Reuters
GOREE ISLAND, Senegal (Reuters) - Almost four centuries after Africans started being shipped to North America as slaves, the first U.S. president of African ancestry on Thursday visited an infamous embarkation point for those destined for lives in chains.
In his first - and, many Africans say, long-overdue - extended tour of the continent since entering the White House, President Barack Obama focused on political and economic issues while also recalling a painful chapter in Africa's and America's past.
On the first leg of an eight-day visit he brought his family to the House of Slaves, a fort built in the late 18th century on Goree Island off the coast of Senegal as a transit point for human beings before they were shipped across the Atlantic. It is now a museum.
"It's a very powerful moment...to be able to come here and to fully appreciate the magnitude of the slave trade, to get a sense in a very intimate way of the incredible inhumanity and hardship that people faced," Obama said in brief remarks.
"More than anything what it reminds us of is that we have to remain vigilant when it comes to the defense of people's human rights."
Obama's father was from Kenya and his mother was from Kansas. First lady Michelle Obama is a descendant of slaves.
Junius Rodriguez, a historian at Eureka College near Peoria, Illinois, said Obama's visit was a reminder of the "remarkable transformation" the United States had undergone.
"We have moved from a society in which African Americans were not viewed as citizens, in which social, economic equality was not provided, to one in which we could elect an African American president," he said before the visit.
Many Africans feel a bond with Obama but have voiced disappointment that he has not engaged with the continent as much as previous presidents George W. Bush and Bill Clinton.
During his first term, Obama's only African trip was a one-day stopover in Ghana, and many Africans have been impatient for him to make an extended tour.
"It's a real pleasure for us that the world has advanced enough for a black man to be president of the United States," said Abdoul Aziz Signane, a tailor, purchasing an Obama T-shirt at a shop in the Senegalese capital Dakar.
"It makes us very proud. That's why I came to buy a T-shirt so I can welcome him and tell him 'We love you Obama, a lot.'"
Obama toured tiny cells that once housed men, women, and children before they were taken in chains through the House of Slaves' infamous "door of no return" to waiting ships.
Eloi Coly, curator of the House of Slaves, welcomed Obama's visit. "It's ... an occasion to put the slave house on the map of the world," he said.
APOLOGY UNLIKELY
Earlier on Thursday, Obama held talks with Senegalese President Macky Sall and met with lawyers and judges at the Supreme Court, kicking off his tour with praise for Africa's democratic progress and a pledge to promote trade.
Upon their arrival on the island, the Obamas were greeted by a group of chanting men as well as women and children dressed in colorful, full-length dresses.
While George W. Bush gave a speech at Goree Island in 2003 in which he called slavery a sin, Obama did not use the occasion to make a big speech. A major address is scheduled for Sunday at the University of Cape Town.
Obama - who visited Cape Coast Castle, another slave port, during his Ghana trip in 2009 - met with civic leaders in Goree before returning to the mainland.
His visit raised the question of whether the time has come for a U.S. president to apologize for slavery.
"The magnitude of slavery is unimaginable," Harvard historian Walter Johnson said. "Can Obama heal that wound with a single speech and with the extraordinary symbolism of his visit as U.S. president, is that going to close the circle? Absolutely not."
An apology is seen as unlikely. A sovereign admission of culpability would open the door to a reparations process, something the Obama administration is unlikely to initiate.
http://www.e-reading.org.ua/bookreader.php/71211/Clancy_-_Rainbow_Six.html
Tom Clancy
Rainbow Six
CHAPTER 7
FINANCE
Popov stepped off his airliner and walked onto the concourse alone, like any other businessman, carrying his attache case with its combination lock, and not a single piece of metal inside, lest some magnetometer operator ask him to open it and so reveal the paper currency inside terrorists had really ruined air travel for everyone, the former KGB officer thought to himself. Were someone to make the baggage-scanners more sophisticated, enough to count money inside carry-on baggage, for example, it would further put a dent in the business affairs of many people, including himself. Traveling by train was so boring.
Their tradecraft was good. Hans was at his designated location, sitting there, reading Der Spiegel and wearing the agreed-upon brown leather jacket, and he saw Dmitriy Arkadeyevich, carrying his black attach+? case in his left hand, striding down the concourse with all the other business travelers. Furchtner finished his coffee and left to follow him, trailing Popov by about twenty, meters, angling off to the left so that they took different exits, crossing over to the parking garage by different walkways. Popov allowed his head to turn left and right, caught Hans on the first sweep and observed how he moved. The man had to be tense, Popov knew. Betrayal was how most of the people like Furchtner got caught, and though Dmitriy was known and trusted by them, you could only be betrayed by someone whom you trusted, a fact known to every covert operator in the world. And though they knew Popov both by sight and reputation, they, couldn't read minds which, of course, worked quite well for Popov in this case.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mica
Mica
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The mica group of sheet silicate (phyllosilicate) minerals includes several closely related materials having nearly perfect basal cleavage. All are monoclinic, with a tendency towards pseudohexagonal crystals, and are similar in chemical composition. The nearly perfect cleavage, which is the most prominent characteristic of mica, is explained by the hexagonal sheet-like arrangement of its atoms.
http://www.e-reading.org.ua/bookreader.php/71211/Clancy_-_Rainbow_Six.html
Tom Clancy
Rainbow Six
CHAPTER 17
BUSHES
"So, that's the only treatment option I was worried about: -3a is an exciting new development, but Shiva just laughs at it and moves on. This is one scary little mother of a bug, Barb."
"And the subjects?"
"I was just in there. Pete's a goner, so are the rest. The Shiva's eating them up. They all have major internal bleeds, and nothing is stopping the tissue breakdown. I've tried everything in the book. These poor bastards wouldn't be getting better treatment at Hopkins, Harvard, or the Mayo Clinic, and they're all going to die. Now," he allowed, "there will be some whose immune systems can deal with it, but that's going to be pretty damned rare."
"-How rare?" she asked the epidemiologist.
"Less than one in a thousand, probably, maybe one in ten thousand. Even the pneumonic variant of plague doesn't kill everybody," he reminded her. That was about the most lethal disease on the planet, and allowed only one in ten thousand to survive. Some people, she knew, had immune systems that killed everything that didn't belong. Those were the ones who lived to a hundred years of age or so. It had nothing to do with smoking, not smoking. having a drink in the morning, or any of the other rubbish they published in the papers as the secret of living forever. It was all in the genes. Some were better than others. It was that simple.
"Well, that's not really something to worry about. is it?"
"World population is between five and six billion now. That's a little more than five times ten to the ninth people, subtract four orders from that and you have something on the order of five times ten to the fifth survivors. Figure a few hundred thousand who might not like us very much."
"Spread all over the world," Barbara told him. "Not organized, needing leadership and scientific knowledge to help them survive. How will they even connect? The only eight hundred people surviving in New York? And what about the diseases that come with all those deaths? The best immune system in the world can't protect you against them."
"True," Killgore conceded. Then he smiled. "We're even improving the breed, aren't we?"
Dr. Archer saw the humor of that. "Yes, John, we are. So, Vaccine-B is readyT-"
He nodded. "Yes, I had my injection a few hours ago. Ready for yours?"
"And -A?"
"In the freezer, ready for mass production as soon as people need it. We'll be able to turn it out in thousand-liter lots per week when we have to. Enough to cover the planet," he told her. "Steve Berg and I worked that out yesterday."
"Can anybody else-"
"No way. Not even Merck can move that fast - and even if they did, they'd have to use our formula, wouldn't they?"
http://www.e-reading.org.ua/bookreader.php/71211/Clancy_-_Rainbow_Six.html
Tom Clancy
Rainbow Six
CHAPTER 39
HARMONY
"Next," Bill Henriksen went on, "we will spend our time here looking at the rich ecosystem around us, and formulating a cover story. That will take us some time and-"
"Wait, if we can avoid answering their questions, then-"
"Why concoct a cover story? That's easy. Our lawyers will have to talk some with the United States attorneys. If we generate a plausible cover story, then we can make them go away. If the cops know they can't win, they won't fight. A good cover story will help with that. Okay, we can say that, yes, we were looking at the Ebola virus, because it's a nasty little fucker, and the world needs a cure. Then, maybe, some loony employee decided to kill the world-but we had nothing to do with that.
http://articles.latimes.com/2013/jun/27/world/la-fg-wn-obama-senegal-goree-slave-20130627
Los Angeles Times
President Obama calls slave site in Senegal 'powerful'
June 27, 2013 By Kathleen Hennessey
GOREE ISLAND, Senegal – President Obama stared pensively out the “door of no return,” described in Senegal as the last exit for those boarding ships bound for the Americas, in a house where children, women and men were separated and shackled on their way to slavery.
From 2/25/1958 ( Dwight Eisenhower - Remarks and Address at Dinner of the National Conference on the Foreign Aspects of National Security ) To 10/20/2005 ( premiere US film "Left Behind: World at War" ) is 17404 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/27/2013 is 17404 days
From 6/27/2013 To 9/30/2014 is 460 days
460 = 230 + 230
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/20/1966 ( Georges Lemaitre dead ) is 230 days
From 8/3/1998 ( Tom Clancy "Rainbow Six" ) To 6/27/2013 is 5442 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 9/26/1980 ( Jimmy Carter - Infant Formula Act of 1980 Statement on Signing H.R. 6940 Into Law ) is 5442 days
From 12/29/1942 ( Franklin Roosevelt - Executive Order 9291 - AUTHORIZING THE PROCUREMENT DIVISION OF THE TREASURY DEPARTMENT TO USE BLOCK MICA ACQUIRED PURSUANT TO THE ACT OF JUNE 7, 1939 ) To 8/23/1990 ( Saddam talks to hostages on Iraqi TV ) is 17404 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 6/27/2013 is 17404 days
From 8/26/1976 ( the first known human case of Ebola ) To 6/27/2013 is 13454 days
13454 = 6727 + 6727
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 4/3/1984 ( Ronald Reagan - Statement on the Nomination of Edwin Meese III To Be Attorney General of the United States ) is 6727 days
From 11/10/1991 ( premiere US TV movie "The Return of Eliot Ness" ) To 6/27/2013 is 7900 days
7900 = 3950 + 3950
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 8/26/1976 ( the first known human case of Ebola ) is 3950 days
From 8/26/1976 ( the first known human case of Ebola ) To 6/27/2013 is 13454 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 9/3/2002 ( premiere US TV series episode "Frontline"::"Faith and Doubt at Ground Zero" ) is 13454 days
From 12/19/1984 ( from my official United States Navy documents: as Kerry Wayne Burgess the E-3 Seaman United States Navy I reported aboard the USS Taylor FFG 50 ) To 6/27/2013 is 10417 days
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 5/11/1994 ( premiere US TV miniseries episode "Stephen King's The Stand"::"The Betrayal" ) is 10417 days
From 2/8/1968 ( premiere US film "Planet of the Apes" ) To 6/27/2013 is 16576 days
16576 = 8288 + 8288
From 11/2/1965 ( my birth date in Antlers Oklahoma USA and my birthdate as the known official United States Marshal Kerry Wayne Burgess and active duty United States Marine Corps officer ) To 7/12/1988 ( Ronald Reagan - Remarks Announcing the Nomination of Richard L. Thornburgh To Be Attorney General of the United States ) is 8288 days
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=103840
The American Presidency Project
Barack Obama
XLIV President of the United States: 2009 - present
462 - Remarks During a Meeting With African Judicial Leaders in Dakar, Senegal
June 27, 2013
The President. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chief Justice, for your service here in Senegal, for your powerful words about the work that brings us here together: the recognition that strong democracies depend on strong institutions. And that includes an independent judiciary system and respect for the rule of law.
I have to say that it's a great honor to be with such a distinguished group of justices from across Africa. Some of you may know, I am a lawyer myself. My grandmother very much wanted me to be a judge instead of going into politics, so even though I disappointed her by going into politics, at least now she knows that a group of judges are willing to meet with me even if I'm not one myself. So she would be happy about that.
First and foremost, this is an opportunity for me to salute the fine work that all of you are doing. These men and women, and the institutions that they represent are known for their integrity, their determination to deliver justice fairly, sometimes in the face of threats and sometimes in the face of intimidation. But they understand that what makes for a strong democracy includes a strong judiciary: one that's independent from politics; one that operates transparently so that citizens can have confidence that the process is free from undue influences; accountability, because even judges are not above the law.
And of course, on a much more basic level, judicial systems need funding to do their jobs. So I wanted to have this meeting here as part of my first full day in Africa on this trip because I believe that the rule of law is a foundation for governance and also a foundation for human rights and economic growth. It's a pillar of our democracy.
Societies are stronger and more stable when there are checks and balances on government power, when citizens know that their rights will be protected from arbitrary or capricious actions, when they have peaceful recourse when they've been on the receiving end of injustice.
Rule of law is what upholds universal human rights. Sometimes, when nobody else will, a judge can stand up on behalf of someone. And in the United States, one of the basic principles that we strongly believe in is, is that the judiciary is most important when it comes to minority rights because the political process oftentimes will recognize the desires of the majority. The question is, when people are on the unpopular side of an issue or a member of a minority group, where can they seek recourse? And oftentimes, it's in the courts.
So at our—at their best, our courts are venues where justice and equality can be realized for women and children and the poor, for marginalized groups, for victims of discrimination, victims of violence. But as I mentioned earlier, I think it's also a critical ingredient for economic development and prosperity in Africa.
I mentioned to President Sall of Senegal, who I was visiting with before I came here, that trade and investment around the world increasingly flows to places where there are rules and regulations that are fair and predictable, where assets and intellectual property are protected. And the courts play a vital role in that process.
So I wanted to have this meeting to hear from you about how we can be helpful and encouraging in building even stronger judiciaries and systems of law around the continent. The United States is proud to work with partners across Africa to strengthen independent judiciaries and help prepare future jurists. So I want to hear your thoughts, your challenges, and I want to hear from you how you think the United States can be most helpful in continuing the work that you were already doing.
So again, thank you for your hospitality, Mr. Chief Justice. Thanks to all of you who have, in some cases, traveled from a very long way to be here, and with that, let me give the press a moment to depart so we can have a good conversation.
NOTE: The President spoke at 12:08 p.m. at La Cour Supreme.
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0116225/quotes
IMDb
Escape from L.A. (1996)
Quotes
Snake Plissken: Understand you got some domestic problems...
http://www.nytimes.com/1999/02/09/us/president-s-trial-white-house-memo-clinton-plans-exhale-quietly-smiles-check.html?pagewanted=all
The New York Times
THE PRESIDENT'S TRIAL: WHITE HOUSE MEMO; Clinton Plans to Exhale Quietly, Smiles in Check
By JAMES BENNET
Published: February 09, 1999
President Clinton will bang no bongo drum.
Last April, after a Federal judge threw out Paula Corbin Jones's sexual misconduct lawsuit against the President, he was photographed through a hotel window in Dakar, Senegal, with an unlighted cigar in his mouth and a bongo drum in his hands.
http://www.azlyrics.com/lyrics/toddrundgren/bangthedrumallday.html
TODD RUNDGREN
"Bang The Drum All Day"
I don't want to work
I want to bang on the drum all day
I don't want to play
I just want to bang on the drum all day
Ever since I was a tiny boy
I don't want no candy
I don't need no toy
I took a stick and an old coffee can
I bang on that thing til I got
Blisters on my hand because
I don't want to work
I want to bang on the drum all day
Yes, I do
I don't want to play
I just want to bang on the drum all day
That's right
When I get older they think I'm a fool
The teacher told me I should stay after school
She caught me pounding on the desk with my hands
But my licks was so hot
I made the teacher wanna dance
And that's why
I don't want to work
I want to bang on the drum all day
Hey, why not?
I don't want to play
I just want to bang on the drum all day
I don't want to work
I want to bang on the drum all day
I don't want to play
I just want to bang on the drum all day
Listen to this
Every day when I get home from work
I feel so frustrated
The boss is a jerk
And I get my sticks and go out to the shed
And I pound on that drum like it was the boss's head
Because
I don't want to work
I want to bang on the drum all day
I don't want to play
I just want to bang on the drum all day
I can bang that drum
I don't want to work
I want to bang on the drum all day
I don't want to play
I just want to bang on the drum all day
I don't want to work
I want to bang on the drum all day
Hey, you wanna take a bang at it?
I don't want to play
I just want to bang on the drum all day
I don't want to work
I want to bang on the drum all day
I don't want to play
I just want to bang on the drum all day
I can do this all day
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=103867
The American Presidency Project
Barack Obama
XLIV President of the United States: 2009 - present
464 - Remarks Following a Tour of the Maison des Esclaves on Goree Island, Senegal
June 27, 2013
Hey! Well, the—I want to thank the President of Senegal, but also the mayor of Goree and the museum curator here. Obviously, it's a very powerful moment whenever I can travel with my family, but especially for Michelle and Malia and my mother-in-law to be able to come here and to fully appreciate the magnitude of the slave trade, to get a sense, in a very intimate way, of the incredible inhumanity and hardship that people faced before they made the Middle Passage and that crossing.
And I think more than anything, what it reminds us of is that we have to remain vigilant when it comes to the defense of people's human rights, because I'm a firm believer that humanity is fundamentally good, but it's only good when good people stand up for what's right. And this is a testament to, when we're not vigilant in defense of what's right, what can happen.
And so it's always powerful for me to visit countries outside of the United States generally, but obviously, for an African American—and an African American President—to be able to visit this site, I think, gives me even greater motivation in terms of the defense of human rights around the world. All right?
Thank you, guys.
NOTE: The President spoke at 3:33 p.m. In his remarks, he referred to President Macky Sall of Senegal; Mayor Augustin Senghor of Goree, Senegal; and Eloi Coly, museum curator, Maison des Esclaves de Goree. He also referred to his mother-in-law Marian Robinson.
http://www.e-reading.org.ua/bookreader.php/71211/Clancy_-_Rainbow_Six.html
Tom Clancy
Rainbow Six
CHAPTER 8
COVERAGE
"This seems to work," Steve said quietly.
"How many strands fit inside?" Maggie asked.
"Anywhere from three to ten."
"And how large is the overall package?"
"Six microns. Would you believe it? The packaging is white in color, so it reflects light pretty well, especially UV radiation, and in a water-spray environment, it's just about invisible." The individual capsules couldn't be seen with the naked eye, and only barely with an optical microscope. Better still, their weight was such that they'd float in air about the same as dust particles, as readily breathable as secondhand smoke in a singles bar. Once in the body, the coating would dissolve, and allow release of the Shiva strands into the lungs or the upper GI, where they could go to work.
http://www.tv.com/shows/stargate-sg-1/the-fourth-horseman-1-418455/
tv.com
Stargate SG-1 Season 9 Episode 10
The Fourth Horseman (1)
Aired Friday 8:00 PM Sep 16, 2005 on Syfy
After an SGC officer returns to Earth after unknowingly being infected with the Ancient Plague, the virus quickly spreads throughout the United States.
AIRED: 9/16/05
http://www.stargate-sg1-solutions.com/wiki/9.10_%22The_Fourth_Horseman_Part_1%22_Transcript
STARGATE WIKI
9.10 "The Fourth Horseman Part 1"
EXT—DAKARA, DAY
INT—JAFFA HIGH COUNCIL CHAMBER
[The full council sits at the tables. Gerak stands in the center of the circle, addressing them.]
GERAK
If the Jaffa at Kellana had heeded the wisdom of the Priors, they'd all still be alive today.
BRA'TAC
(standing)
The Jaffa at Kellana were defending themselves against a military incursion. The Ori were attempting to construct a means by which to invade our galaxy and attack us.
GERAK
(holding up Book of Origin)
They offered us the wisdom of the ages and everlasting life, and we met that with force. Were their actions not justified?
[Teal'c enters the chamber and walks down the steps.]
BRA'TAC
(voice trembling with fury)
Thousands of lives were lost.
GERAK
All the more reason why we should respect their power!
BRA'TAC
If you are suggesting we have no other choice but to acquiesce, that would be cowardice.
[Gerak steps off the raised circle and approaches Bra'tac.]
TEAL'C
Gerak!
GERAK
(composing himself)
I believe their intentions are pure. They offer us enlightenment, knowledge, salvation. All of these things can be ours, IF we have the courage to embrace our destiny.
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=103866
The American Presidency Project
Barack Obama
XLIV President of the United States: 2009 - present
463 - The President's News Conference With President Macky Sall of Senegal in Dakar, Senegal
June 27, 2013
[At this point, President Sall made remarks in French, which were translated by an interpreter, as follows.]
President Sall. Mr. President, Mr. Barack Obama, good morning, ladies and gentlemen. I'm extremely happy to welcome President Barack Obama for his first trip to Africa since his reelection in November last year.
So, Mr. President, I'd like to once again welcome you to Senegal and wish you a pleasant stay in Senegal. Your stay among us, Mr. President, is a source of pride for the Senegalese population and its Government.
Now, with this visit we are jointly pursuing an age-old tradition, a privileged tradition full of trust between Senegal and the United States of America. I'm extremely happy that you've chosen Senegal to be the first point of entry on this continent after having received me very warmly on the 20th of March in the Oval Office.
President Obama and myself, we have held talks on issues of common interest on the African Continent as well as at the international level. Of course, we discussed bilateral issues and my capacity as the current chairperson of the orientation committee of NEPAD.
I informed the President about our African infrastructure projects as well as a discussion on a bilateral level about the excellent cooperation between our two countries. And I thanked the U.S. for the help in developing Senegal. And we also have a common vision of the main values: freedom, democracy, peaceful coexistence of cultures and religions, and good governance.
On this last issue, Senegal would like to commend the American initiative of Open Government Partnership, which we fully endorse. We are working together to protect and promote all these common shared values for the strengthening of our bilateral cooperation and the continuation of our joint efforts for stability in Africa and the protection of peace and security at the international level.
I would like to commend President Obama's leadership and his will to start a new—give a new impetus to a relationship between Africa and the U.S. U.S.A. are a great country, spearheading progress in all fields for greater prosperity between the African Continent and the U.S. And the African Continent is progressing, is marching ahead with the tremendous potential in terms of natural and human resources.
On both sides, we have a historical opportunity here to open new prospects for relations on the business of complementarity by offering greater opportunities to our youth and by stimulating trade and investments for shared prosperity. Senegal is extremely happy with this new impetus, Mr. President, and I'm ready to pursue our efforts with you in this direction.
I thank you, and I would like to give the floor to you so that you can address the press. Thank you.
President Obama. Thank you very much, President Sall, for your generous words and the very warm welcome that we've received from your delegation. On behalf of myself and Michelle, our two daughters Malia and Sasha, and our entire delegation: It is wonderful to be here in Senegal.
President Sall. Thank you.
President Obama. To all the Senegalese who lined the streets to welcome us: We are deeply touched. We are so grateful for your teranga, your hospitality.
I'm making this visit to Africa because, as I've said before, I see this as a moment of great progress and great promise for the continent. It's true that Africa faces great challenges, and meeting these challenges together is a focus of my trip. But all too often the world overlooks the amazing progress that Africa is making, including progress in strengthening democracy. Many African nations have made tremendous strides in improving democratic governance and empowering citizens. Here in West Africa, we see progress in Sierra Leone and Liberia, Cote d'Ivoire and Niger, in Ghana and here in Senegal.
And that's why I welcomed President Sall to the White House this spring. And that's why I'm beginning my trip here in Dakar. Senegal is one of the most stable democracies in Africa and one of the strongest partners that we have in the region. It's moving in the right direction with reforms to deepen democratic institutions. And as more Africans across this continent stand up and demand governments that are accountable and serve the people, I believe Senegal can be a great example.
I'm told there's a word here, disso, which reflects the desire of Senegalese to resolve disagreements through dialogue and not conflict. Senegal has never suffered a military coup. There are free and fair elections, repeated transfers of power, peacefully, a vibrant civil society, a strong press, and dozens of political parties. And I have to say, back in Washington, we have our hands full with just two parties.
[President Sall spoke in English.]
President Sall. Yes. Two hundred, sir. [Laughter]
President Obama. I don't know how you manage it. [Laughter] But after last year's election here, we were inspired by the citizens of Senegal demanding that their votes be respected and that President Sall be sworn in as the democratically elected leader of this nation.
Of course, we all know that democracy is not just what happens on election day, it's also what happens in between elections. So, President Sall, I want to commend you for the ambitious reforms that you're pursuing to strengthen democratic governance: more openness, more transparency, more accountability. I know it's hard, but it's absolutely necessary both politically and economically. History shows that governments that are more open and more responsive to citizens are more effective in delivering basic services. They're also more successful in attracting the trade and investment that creates jobs and lifts people out of poverty.
President Sall, during our discussions, updated me on his reform efforts, including efforts to stamp out corruption. As progress is made, I look forward to seeing Senegal join the Open Government Partnership. And because just as the United States stood with the people of Senegal as you defended your democracy last year, we want to remain your partner for years to come, to show that democracy delivers progress and jobs and justice that people deserve.
With regard to jobs, the President and I discussed the need to increase our trade and make it easier to invest and do business together. On our side, the African Growth and Opportunity Act, also known as AGOA, expires in 2 years, and I'm looking for ways to renew it, but also improve it so that we're generating more jobs and more trade. We also need to do more across this region. So I'm directing my new U.S. Trade Representative, Mike Froman, to finalize a new trade and investment agreement with ECOWAS, the Economic Community of West African States.
Ultimately, though, growth and progress has to reach more people. We believe in broad-based development and growth, not just for the few, but for the many. And our mission's always been to try to deliver that kind of broad-based growth through our development program. So, as one example, I'm very proud to be here as we mark the 50th anniversary of the Peace Corps in Senegal. Today I'm reaffirming that the United States will remain one of Senegal's strongest partners in development, from new roads and bridges, so merchants can get their goods to the market, to new textbooks and schools, including the Internet, so that more students can learn.
Since most people in Senegal, as is true across Africa, work in agriculture, our food security initiative will keep helping farmers harness new seeds and technologies, increase yields and boost incomes. And as President Sall pursues land reforms, we're looking forward to Senegal joining the New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition, which I'll be discussing further tomorrow. We will continue efforts that are shared against HIV and AIDS, which we've—because of those efforts, we've been able to keep infection rates here relatively low. We'll continue distributing the nets that are saving the lives of countless Senegalese from malaria.
And more broadly, I want to thank Senegal for being such a strong partner in regional security. Senegalese peacekeepers have served bravely from Cote d'Ivoire to the Congo. Senegalese are currently helping the people of Mali reclaim their country, and I assured President Sall that American support for that mission will continue. And with Senegal, we support—within Senegal, we support President Sall's determined efforts to achieve a lasting peace in the Casamance region.
Finally, I'm very pleased that we're deepening the ties between our peoples, especially young people. I was proud to welcome two Senegalese—both women—to the forum for young African leaders that we hosted in the White House. And in the coming days I'll be announcing an expansion of our efforts to empower more young Africans who want to contribute to their respective countries. I hope that will include young people here in Senegal because we believe in Senegal and we believe in its people. We believe we can make progress together. And we believe in investing in the youth of tomorrow.
So again, President Sall, thank you for your partnership, and thank you for the extraordinary welcome that my family and I have received. Our nation are partners—nyo far. And my only——
President Sall. Thank you very much. [Laughter]
President Obama. ——my only regret on this visit is that I won't be here long enough to take in a match of Senegal's world-famous wrestling. I have to see that. Maybe next time.
President Sall. Next time.
President Obama. So for now, I'll simply say thank you. Jerejef.
[President Sall spoke in English.]
President Sall. Thank you very much, Mr. President. And your Wolof is wonderful. [Laughter]
Now I think we can give the floor to the press. Tijane Barry.
Q. Tijane Barry, journalist at the Radio Television of Senegal. Firstly, on behalf of the national and international media, we would like to welcome Mr. President Obama. My question is for President Macky Sall. Mr. President, how do you describe this visit? And what are the new prospects that this visit opens for Senegal and Africa?
Thank you.
[President Sall responded in French, and his remarks were translated by an interpreter, as follows.]
President Sall. Well, this visit is extremely important for Senegal and for Africa because it is indeed the visit by the President of the U.S.A. And it's not every day that we have the privilege of having the President of the United States of America on our soil.
This visit is also important, because the—this trip by President Obama will further build trust for the corporate and business environment. And we are convinced that Africa's progress and development and growth through partnership—in the private investment trade and partnership. The importance of his presence, the trust that he has in Senegal and in the future of the continent should enable us to establish a bridge between the U.S.A. and Africa, particularly for the development of private investment.
We do have shared values, such as democracy, freedom, human rights, good governance. Africa has made very important progress on these last aspects over the years. Of course, in the past, Africa did suffer a lot. But for about 10 years or so, during the last decade, this has been a decade towards democratization, and this is a prerequisite for the development of Africa. We have tremendous natural resources. We have a lot of human resources. We need infrastructure to accompany the development of all these resources, but all this in the context of good governance; otherwise, these resources will be in vain.
Now, the presence of President Obama, as he has said, is also meant to give a new contract for AGOA, revisit the conditions which should enable countries like Senegal to do more to better export towards the United States of America. But this has to also do with the relationship between ECOWAS and the U.S. for fast-tracked trade relations.
The U.S. is already intervening through different mechanisms: The Millennium Challenge Corporation is one of the latest, which is doing a lot of things in Senegal with a program of $542 million, which should allow us to rehabilitate our Highway Number 6 in Casamance, which will lead to giving better access to the region. We have the Ngallenka road for the development of 10,000 hectares to step up agricultural production.
So generally speaking, the Peace Corps, USAID, in short, all are the supporting instruments, which are supporting cooperation, should enable us to further boost the already excellent relations at the political and economic levels. And I'm sure that this visit will give an additional boost to our relationship.
Thank you.
U.S. Supreme Court Ruling on the Defense of Marriage Act/Civil Rights/Former President Nelson R. Mandela of South Africa
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. You called the DOMA ruling a victory for couples everywhere who are seeking equal treatment under the law. But this leaves unanswered questions for couples in States that don't recognize same-sex marriage. And now it's largely up to you. Will you direct the Government to make sure that Federal benefits are extended—like Social Security—to all couples, no matter where they live? And will you comment generally on the historic nature of yesterday's rulings? Also, did you press President Sall to make sure that homosexuality is decriminalized in Senegal?
And, President Sall, may I ask you, sir—thank you, first of all, for your hospitality. You just said that you embrace democracy and freedom. As this country's new President, sir, will you work to decriminalize homosexuality in this country?
And may I also ask both of you, because——
President Obama. How many questions you got there, Jessica [Jessica Yellin, CNN]?
Q. One more. [Laughter] Just one more, sir. Because the world is watching and because President Mandela is in such a fragile condition right now, may I ask both of you just to comment on his legacy and what he means to both of you?
President Obama. Well, first of all, I think the Supreme Court ruling yesterday was not simply a victory for the LGBT community, I think it was a victory for American democracy. I believe at the root of who we are as a people—as Americans—is the basic precept that we are all equal under the law. We believe in basic fairness. And what I think yesterday's ruling signifies is one more step towards ensuring that those basic principles apply to everybody.
When I spoke to Ms. Windsor—83 years old—and I thought about the 40 years of her relationship and her partner, who is now passed, for her to live to see this day, where that relationship was the vehicle whereby more people received their rights and are recognized as a testament to the love and commitment that they have made to each other, that was special. And that's just a microcosm of what it meant for families and their children all across America. So it was a proud day, I think, for America.
Now, as you point out, there are a whole lot of implications that flow from it, because the Supreme Court did not make a blanket ruling that applies nationally, but rather, lifted up the ability of States to recognize the dignity and respect of same-sex marriage; and that the Federal Government couldn't negate the decision by those States. We now have to comb through every Federal statute. And although we hadn't prejudged what the ruling had been, I had asked my White House Counsel to help work with lawyers across every agency in the Federal Government to start getting a sense of what statutes would it—be implicated and what it will mean for us to administratively apply the rule that Federal benefits apply to all married couples.
What's true though is, is that you still have a whole bunch of States that do not recognize it. The Supreme Court continues to leave it up to the States to make these decisions. And we are going to have to go back and do a legal analysis of what that means. It's my personal belief—but I'm speaking now as a President as opposed to as a lawyer—that if you've been married in Massachusetts and you move someplace else, you're still married; and that under Federal law you should be able to obtain the benefits of any lawfully married couple. But again, I'm speaking as a President, not a lawyer.
So we're going to be evaluating all these issues and making sure that we work through them in a systematic and prompt way, because now that the Supreme Court has spoken, it's important that people who deserve these benefits know that they're getting them quickly. And I know that, for example, Chuck Hagel already mentioned some work that the Department of Defense is doing on that front. And I think we're going to be seeing that in all the various agencies.
Now, this topic did not come up in the conversation that I had with President Sall in bilateral meeting, but let me just make a general statement: The issue of gays and lesbians, and how they're treated, has come up and has been controversial in many parts of Africa. So I wanted the African people just to hear what I believe, and that is that every country, every group of people, every religion have different customs, different traditions. And when it comes to people's personal views and their religious faith, et cetera, I think we have to respect the diversity of views that are there.
But when it comes to how the state treats people, how the law treats people, I believe that everybody has to be treated equally. I don't believe in discrimination of any sort. That's my personal view. And I speak as somebody who obviously comes from a country in which there were times where people were not treated equally under the law, and we had to fight long and hard through a civil rights struggle to make sure that happens.
So my basic view is that regardless of race, regardless of religion, regardless of gender, regardless of sexual orientation, when it comes to how the law treats you, how the state treats you—the benefits, the rights and the responsibilities under the law—people should be treated equally. And that's a principle that I think applies universally, and the good news is, it's an easy principle to remember. Every world religion has this basic notion that is embodied in the Golden Rule: You treat people the way you want to be treated. And I think that applies here as well.
Finally, with respect to Mr. Mandela—and by the way, Mr. President, I apologize. Sometimes my press—I notice yours just asked one question; we try to fit in three or four or five questions in there. So—[laughter].
My first act of political activism was when I was at Occidental College as a 19-year-old. I got involved in the Anti-Apartheid Movement back in 1979, '80, because I was inspired by what was taking place in South Africa. I think at that time, I didn't necessarily imagine that Nelson Mandela might be released, but I had read his writings and his speeches, and I understood that this was somebody who believed in that basic principle I just talked about—treating people equally—and was willing to sacrifice his life for that belief.
When I was in law school, in 1990, '91, to see Nelson Mandela step forward after 27 years of captivity and not only help usher in democracy and majority rule and one person, one vote in South Africa, but as importantly, for him to say, I embrace my former captors and my former oppressors and believe in one nation and believe in judging people on the basis of their character and not their color, it gave me a sense of what is possible in the world when righteous people—when people of good will—work together on behalf of a larger cause.
So obviously, our thoughts and prayers right now are with the people of South Africa and, more specifically, the Mandela family. I will be traveling there over the next several days, after I leave Senegal. I've had the privilege of meeting Madiba and speaking to him. And he's a personal hero, but I don't think I'm unique in that regard. I think he's a hero for the world. And if and when he passes from this place, one thing I think we'll all know is that his legacy is one that will linger on throughout the ages.
President Sall. Thank you very much. I will leave the floor to you and then react maybe. Alessane.
Q. Good morning, Mr. President. Alessane Samba Diop, director of RFM. I have a question regarding the subregional context. President Barack Obama has come here at a time when the situation is quite volatile. I'd like to know if he has discussed the subregional context with you.
And the other question is the following: The U.S. is not intervening militarily, but they do have a special envoy for Casamance. I'd like to know if the peace process in Casamance has been discussed by the two Presidents. Thank you.
President Sall. Mr. President. Following your own statement, I'd like to come back to two issues before I address the question raised by Mr. Alessane Samba Diop Firstly, regarding Mandela, I think we are all extremely sad and pained to see Madima—Madiba in this situation of health for the past 3 weeks. My hope was to see him be a centenarian. And—but I think Mandela has—is an example for the whole world. And for us, as political leaders, we need to take inspiration from his humility and his capacity of sacrifice and self-denial, but also from his greatness and forgiveness that he has given us as reference.
As President Obama said, he is more than an idol for all of us. When we all pray—we all prayed for him to recover his freedom. But even now, and after he passes, we should always draw inspiration from his thoughts, because South Africa is a rainbow nation even now. And we hope that leaders all over the world will learn from his example.
Now, on the issue of homosexuality, Mr. President, you did make a long development on this issue. But you said something very important, general principles which all nations could share, and that is the respect for the human being and nondiscrimination. But these issues are all societal issues, basically, and we cannot have a standard model which is applicable to all nations, all countries. You said it, we all have different cultures. We have different religions. We have different traditions. And even in countries where this has been decriminalized and homosexual marriage is allowed, people don't share the same views.
Senegal, as far as it is concerned, is a very tolerant country which does not discriminate in terms of inalienable rights of the human being. We don't tell anybody that he will not be recruited because he is gay or he will not access a job because his sexual orientation is different. But we are still not ready to decriminalize homosexuality. I've already said it in the past, in our cabinet meeting, it is Senegal's option, at least for the time being, while we have respect for the rights of homosexuals—but for the time being, we are still not ready to change the law.
But of course, this does not mean that we are all homophobic. But the society has to absorb these issues. It has to take time to digest them without bringing pressure to bear upon them, on such issues. It is just like the capital punishment. I mean, do you know, in our country, we have abolished it for many years. In other countries, it is still the order of the day, because the situation in the country requires it. And we do respect the choice of each country. But please be assured that Senegal is a country of freedom, and homosexuals are not being prosecuted—persecuted. But we must also show respect for the values and choices of the other Senegalese people.
And we are discussing issues such as adoption of children. And this is a serious topic for debate within the Government. The Parliament will be taking over shortly. So these are issues that will be addressed by the society based on the progress of the mentalities and on what people believe is acceptable or unacceptable. That's what I wanted to say on that issue.
Now to come back very quickly to the subregional context for the crisis ongoing in Mali. Of course, we discussed it at length. And I thanked President Obama for the support offered by the U.S. You know that today it is the U.S. who are giving almost all the food and fuel used by MINUSMA, that is, the United Nations mission for Mali. And they're also intervening to assist us with the logistics after the French response—which we of course approved—with the Serval Operation.
We also worked to develop a model of cooperation. Senegal does cooperate with the U.S. from the military standpoint. And given the constant global threat of terrorism, as well as other scourges such as drugs in the subregion, human beings trafficking, circulation of weapons and piracy, we have decided to pursue our cooperation in all these fields. And our governments and our administrations will continue these consultations in order to arrive at greater efficiency for African forces, because I think it's time for Africa to stand up and address its own issues. And for this, we do need the American support in terms of capacity, in terms of equipment, in terms of training.
But we will be ready to cope for this and Senegal will continue to supply troops for peacekeeping in the world. We are present in more than five countries with more than 2,000 peacekeeping soldiers. And we can build up these forces if required.
And to conclude, of course, Casamance, we did discuss it. I also thanked him for the interest shown by the U.S. in solving this conflict. He has encouraged me in the efforts to obtain peace. And I've also asked for the contribution of the U.S. in development projects, because one of the responses to this crisis is to give an economic perspective. We need reconciliation, of course, to start with. We need reintegration. We need development—sustainable development—in Casamance. On all these issues, we did have a discussion. And I thank the President for the interest he has in Senegal and in Casamance. Thank you.
President Obama. Major [Major Garrett, CBS].
U.S. Supreme Court Ruling on the Voting Rights Act/Former National Security Agency Contractor Edward J. Snowden/President Obama's Visit to Africa
Q. Morning, Mr. President. Morning, President Sall. Thank you for your hospitality. It's a pleasure to be in your country. President Obama, two subjects: First of all, picking up on your comments about equal rights under the law, could you give us your gut, your visceral reaction to the Supreme Court's decision in the voting rights case? Explain legislative remedy you will pursue and the pace of that?
Secondly, Edward Snowden, there have been a lot of developments. First of all, there's word that he might be given safe passage to Ecuador. Mr. President, will you use U.S. military assets to in any way intercept Mr. Snowden should he at the—some point in the future leave Russia to try to find safe passage in another country? Have you spoken to President Xi of China, President Putin about this personally, and if not, why not? And how frustrated or angry are you, sir, that China's defiance and Russia's indifference have vastly complicated the pursuit of Mr. Snowden and turned it into what some people regard as kind of an international game of cat-and-mouse that's almost farcical? Thank you.
President Obama. Well, let me take the issue of voting rights first. The Voting Rights Act, sections 2, 4, 5, were the cornerstones of providing political power to African Americans that then led to a whole range of other steps to make America more just and more equal. It was the cornerstone and the culmination of years of struggle: blood, sweat, tears, in some cases, deaths.
I might not be here as President had it not been for those who courageously helped to pass the Voting Rights Act. I think that the Supreme Court made a mistake in its ruling, but that decision is now here. I think the Supreme Court didn't recognize the degree to which voter suppression is still a problem around the country and that it makes sense for us to put in place mechanisms to check practices and procedures that may make it harder for people to vote in those areas where there's been a history in the past of discrimination.
And part of the reason, Major, is because, even though lawsuits can still be filed now if there's discrimination, if you don't have the structure of section 4 and section 5 in place ahead of time, the election may be over by the time lawsuits are filed or a court rules. And oftentimes, it may be too late.
Having said that, the Supreme Court has ruled, and Congress can't overturn this particular aspect of their ruling. The good news is that there are other potential remedies, and the most important one is to simply make sure that everybody around the country can vote and that everywhere around the country we're not seeing 7-hour lines, around the country, we're not seeing mechanisms put in place to make it harder for people to vote, but rather, we should have mechanisms that make it easier to vote. And that is within Congress's power. Congress doesn't have to target or identify a particular jurisdiction. What it can do now is to say, regardless of where you are—regardless of where you live—there are going to be certain rules that apply to elections.
And we—as you know, right after the election when we had already seen some of these problems, I assigned a close adviser of mine, Bob Bauer, to work with a close adviser of Mitt Romney's. They're going to be issuing a report in terms of how we can start making it easier for folks to vote. I recognize that whenever you get into voting rights issues, inevitably some partisan thoughts cross people's minds about who is it going to advantage or disadvantage.
But in the wake of this Supreme Court ruling, surely we can all agree that people should be able to vote, they shouldn't be restricted from voting because—or have to jump through a whole bunch of hoops in order to vote; and that there should be some uniformity in terms of how that right is upheld. It's the cornerstone of our democracy. It's what makes our democracy work. And I'm looking forward to working with both Democrats and Republicans in a nonpartisan basis to make sure that if you're a citizen of the United States of America, you can vote without a whole bunch of barriers, regardless of your race or your political leaning. So that's on the voting rights issue.
With respect to Mr. Snowden, we have issued, through our Justice Department, very clear requests to both, initially, Hong Kong, and then Russia, that we seek the extradition of Mr. Snowden. And we are going through the regular legal channels that are involved when we try to extradite somebody. I have not called President Xi personally or President Putin personally. And the reason is because, number one, I shouldn't have to. This is something that routinely is dealt with between law enforcement officials in various countries. And this is not exceptional from a legal perspective.
Number two, we've got a whole lot of business that we do with China and Russia. And I'm not going to have one case of a suspect who we're trying to extradite suddenly being elevated to the point where I've got to start doing wheeling and dealing and trading on a whole host of other issues simply to get a guy extradited so that he can face the justice system here in the United States.
Now, I get why it's a fascinating story from a press perspective. And I'm sure there will be a made-for-TV movie somewhere down the line. But in terms of U.S. interests, the damage was done with respect to the initial leaks. And what I'm really focused on is making sure, number one, that we are doing everything we can to prevent the kind of thing that happened at the NSA from happening again, because we don't know right now what Mr. Snowden's motives were except for those things that he said publicly. And I don't want to prejudge the case, but it does show some pretty significant vulnerabilities over at the NSA that we've got to solve. That's number one.
Number two, I'm focused on making sure that we have a healthy, effective debate in the United States about how we balance our security and our privacy concerns, because these programs, which I believe make America safe—help make America safe, and that I believe draw the appropriate balance, right now are generating a lot of questions in the press and in the American public. And I want to make sure that everybody—Congress, opinion leaders, and our government officials—feel confident that the laws are being obeyed, that there's strong oversight and that the American people don't have a Big Brother who is snooping into their business. I'm confident of that, but I want to make sure everybody is confident of that. And so I think we have to have a strong public debate to make that happen.
So I am interested in making sure that the rules of extradition are obeyed. Now, we don't have an extradition treaty with Russia, which makes it more complicated. You don't have to have an extradition treaty, though, to resolve some of these issues. There have been some useful conversations that have taken place between the United States Government and the Russian Government. And my continued expectation is that Russia, or other countries that have talked about potentially providing Mr. Snowden asylum, recognize that they are part of an international community, and that they should be abiding by international law. And we'll continue to press them as hard as we can to make sure that they do so——
Q. Mr. President——
President Obama. But let me—one last thing, because you asked a final question: No, I'm not going to be scrambling jets to get a 29-year-old hacker.
Q. Do you believe that all the damage that he can do has been done by Mr. Snowden? Is that what you're saying, Mr. President?
President Obama. What I'm——
Q. We——
President Obama. What I'm saying is, is that he has those documents. He has released some of them. Not all of them have been released. The damage that's been done essentially goes to the fact of some of these programs. And we don't yet know what other documents he may try to dribble in—out there.
On the other hand, what I'm also confident about is, is that the way we run these programs abides by the laws that were passed by Congress, the oversight of the FISA courts. And we are trying to declassify as much as possible so that the American people and our international partners feel confidence about how we operate in this regard.
I continue to be concerned about the other documents that he may have. That's part of the reason why we'd like to have Mr. Snowden in custody. But what I think we're going to continue to do is to make sure that we are following the various channels that are well established and the rules that are well established to try to get this thing done.
In the meantime, we've got other business to do. For example, we're here in Africa, and I don't want people to forget why we're here.
President Sall. Right.
President Obama. The fact of the matter is, is that Africa oftentimes is not focused on by our press and our leadership back home unless there's a crisis. And part of the reason why we want to focus here, starting in Senegal, is to make sure people understand there is enormous potential here. Six of the ten fastest growing economies in the world are happening right here in Africa. You talk about President Xi. China is paying a lot of attention to Africa; Brazil, Turkey, India are heavily invested in trying to expand trade and commerce with Africa. We have economic and security interests that are critical. We're seeing countries like Senegal that are—have sustained democracy and have sustained peace for many years, who want to partner with us, who are making sacrifices in places like Mali to maintain regional stability.
And so I just want to make sure that we don't lose focus here. The reason I came to Africa is because Africa is rising. And it is in the United States interests—not simply in Africa's interests—that the United States don't miss the opportunity to deepen and broaden the partnerships and potential here. This is going to be a continent that is on the move. It is young. It is vibrant and full of energy. And there's a reason why a lot of other countries around the world are spending a lot of time here.
We historically have been an enormous provider of development aid to Africa, food, medicine. But what I want us to do is to have a shift in paradigm, where we start focusing on trade, development, partnerships where we see ourselves as benefiting and not simply giving to—in the relationship with Africa. And I think that's what people like President Sall are looking forward to. All right.
Thank you very much. That was a very long answer.
Moderator. Yes, the press conference is——
The President. But these are big questions you guys are asking.
President Sall. Thank you.
Moderator. Thank you very much for being here. We wish you a good stay. Thank you.
NOTE: The President's news conference began at 11 a.m. at the Presidential Palace.
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=45151
The American Presidency Project
Jimmy Carter
XXXIX President of the United States: 1977 - 1981
Infant Formula Act of 1980 Statement on Signing H.R. 6940 Into Law.
September 26, 1980
I am today signing H.R. 6940, the Infant Formula Act of 1980. This legislation recognizes that our most important resource for the future—our children-should be afforded safe and nutritionally adequate formulas during a critical period of development. Infant formulas are uniquely important to the health of our children, because for many infants they are the sole source of nutrients for the first several months of their lives. The proper growth and long-range health of children are determined to a large extent by the quality of the nutrition they receive during these first vital months.
H.R. 6940 is designed to ensure that commercially produced and marketed infant formulas meet accepted nutritional standards and that consistent quality is maintained in their preparation. This bill, which resulted from reports during 1979 that more than 100 infants became seriously ill as a consequence of using soybean-based formulas marketed with an insufficient amount of chloride, establishes a statutory requirement that formula manufacturers include chlorides as well as other essential elements in each infant formula preparation sold. It also gives the Secretary of Health and Human Services (HHS) authority to adjust nutritional standards to conform to the best available scientific knowledge. In addition, the bill requires manufacturers to test infant formulas on a periodic basis and to notify the Secretary promptly whenever formulas do not meet nutritional requirements.
The enactment of this legislation represents the work and cooperation of many individuals and groups, including concerned parents, Congressmen Henry A. Waxman, Albert Gore, Jr., Ronald M. Mottl, and Tim Lee Carter, Senator Howard M. Metzenbaum, the infant formula industry, and officials of this administration. H.R. 6940, together with existing authority under the Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act, will aid in ensuring that both the Federal Government and the private sector meet their responsibilities in providing for the quality of infant formula preparations.
Note: As enacted, H.R. 6940 is Public Law 96-359, approved September 26.
http://community.seattletimes.nwsource.com/archive/?date=19980802&slug=2764257
The Seattle Times
Sunday, August 2, 1998
An Action-Packed Summer Read -- Tom Clancy's Latest Storms The Shores
By Melinda Bargreen
Seattle Times Staff Critic
------------------------------- "Rainbox Six" by Tom Clancy Putnam, $27.95 -------------------------------
Rumblings in the distance are growing louder, as a phalanx of trucks approaches local bookstores. There is a diesel storm rising.
Tom Clancy is back.
Yes, fans, the latest humongous Clancy doorstop of a book - at 752 pages, a veritable Cortez Kennedy among action-thrillers - officially hits stores tomorrow.
http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/latimes/access/30913702.html?FMT=ABS&FMTS=ABS:FT&type=current&date=Jul+2%2C+1998&author=PAUL+D.+COLFORD&pub=Los+Angeles+Times&edition=&startpage=3&desc=Cornwall%2C+Clancy+Leading+Summer+Charge
Los Angeles Times ARCHIVES
L.A. Times Archives
Cornwall, Clancy Leading Summer Charge
Los Angeles Times - Los Angeles, Calif.
Author: PAUL D. COLFORD
Date: Jul 2, 1998
Abstract (Document Summary)
Tom Clancy's "Rainbow Six" (Putnam) will be available starting Aug. 3. Clancy, one of the heavyweight champs of commercial fiction and master of the techno-thriller, is delivering his first hardcover novel since 1996. He is bringing back John Clark, the former Navy SEAL from "Without Remorse," who takes on a maniacal bunch of terrorists this time around. First printing: around 2 million copies.
http://www.amazon.com/Rainbow-Six-Tom-Clancy/dp/0399143904/ref=sr_1_2?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1408391541&sr=1-2&keywords=tom+clancy+rainbow+six
amazon
Rainbow Six Hardcover – August 3, 1998
by Tom Clancy (Author)
Product Details
Hardcover: 738 pages
Publisher: Putnam Adult; First Edition edition (August 3, 1998)
http://www.tv.com/shows/frontline/faith-and-doubt-at-ground-zero-1578728/
tv.com
Frontline Season 2011 Episode 09.08.11
Faith and Doubt at Ground Zero
Aired Tuesday 9:00 PM Sep 03, 2002 on PBS
For many Americans, the most difficult questions about 9/11 were not about politics, military strategy or homeland security. They were questions about God, about evil and about the potential for darkness within religion itself. What was it we saw on Sept. 11? Was it the true face of evil? Was it the face of religion? And where, if one is a believer, was God on that tragic morning?
AIRED: 9/3/02
https://maps.google.com/maps?ll=32.87765,-96.761162&spn=0.008118,0.016512&t=m&layer=c&cbll=32.877565,-96.761026&panoid=FX1M7J7ZN7n3voFsNOXT3w&cbp=12,108.69,,0,-2.72&z=17
Google Maps
Phoenix Dr, Dallas, Texas, United States
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/335644/Georges-Lemaitre
Encyclopædia Britannica
Georges Lemaître
Belgian astronomer
Georges Lemaître, (born July 17, 1894, Charleroi, Belgium—died June 20, 1966, Leuven), Belgian astronomer and cosmologist who formulated the modern big-bang theory, which holds that the universe began in a cataclysmic explosion of a small, primeval “super-atom.”
A civil engineer, Lemaître served as an artillery officer in the Belgian Army during World War I. After the war he entered a seminary and in 1923 was ordained a priest. He studied at the University of Cambridge’s solar physics laboratory (1923–24) and then at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge (1925–27), where he became acquainted with the findings of the American astronomers Edwin P. Hubble and Harlow Shapley on the expanding universe. In 1927, the year he became professor of astrophysics at the Catholic University of Leuven (Louvain), he proposed his big-bang theory
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=11308
The American Presidency Project
Dwight D. Eisenhower
XXXIV President of the United States: 1953-1961
36 - Remarks and Address at Dinner of the National Conference on the Foreign Aspects of National Security
February 25, 1958
Mr. Chairman, My friends:
Rarely have I asked personally for an opportunity to appear before the microphone of a public address system. But I did so this evening for special circumstances.
I am scheduled to give an address over the radio that you people here have heard several times today. It is my effort this evening to try and give the essence--the thoughts, the ideas, the convictions--that have been uttered during the day by speakers of far greater ability than that 'I possess.
This would preclude me from speaking to you personally about a few things that are on my heart in the period that has been allotted me for the radio address. So, this is what I want to say:
My first words, and I think my last ones, will be "Thank you."
I am so proud of this gathering, what it means in a cross-section of the United States to come together. You have laid aside your own personal preoccupations and your personal businesses to devote this time to public service, to the good of the United States and to the free world. I am so proud of you that, frankly, I believe this is, in many respects, the most unique occasion at which I have ever been present.
It is difficult to think of any body of this size that represents here such a level of devotion, of dedication and of ability. And because of this, I believe that from this meeting--from people of both political parties, leaders in every walk of life--will flow a great wave of knowledge, of education to the American people so that they will truly understand what we mean when we say: only in peace for the whole world can there be peace for any one nation, no matter how great.
And so I want to thank Chairman Johnston--all of the staff that is helping--and each of you that has come here to do your part and to carry the message out as far as the remotest hamlet in this whole country. And therefore, this simple message again to you: thank you.
SECURITY AND PEACE
[ Address delivered over the radio at 9:30 p.m. ]
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Vice President, Mr. Chief Justice, Speaker Rayburn, Governor Stevenson, Senator Johnson, Senator Knowland, Congressman Martin--other guests of this distinguished audience, and My Fellow Americans:
I am speaking tonight at a unique dinner in Washington. At this dinner are national leaders from all walks of life, every sector of our land, and from both political parties.
They have been meeting all day in our nation's Capital, considering one of the most critical and embracing problems of our times--that of furthering the peace.
I am honored to join with them tonight, for they are dedicated people. They are dedicated to this proposition: in the last analysis, we can have positive security only through positive peace.
Today a principal deterrent to war is adequate military strength. We are sustaining it; we will keep on sustaining it.
But positive peace is one brought about by active work to create the living conditions, the level of education and health, the mutual understanding, and the sense of common purpose that make possible the genuine and everyday substance of living in harmony with our neighbors.
Peace is an affirmative, constructive, continuing development. Its foundation is an educational process that will give to all peoples a fuller understanding of the shadows of fear under which we live, and a united determination to dispel them.
To maintain America's military strength during the next five years, with no great or early change in the world situation, we shall spend more than 200 billion dollars. This almost unimaginable sum will, together with similar but smaller expenditures of our allies, keep us in a strong security posture. But these sums, great as they are, cannot produce a single constructive, useful thing for human beings. Indeed they can give us no more than relative security; only true peace can give us true security.
For the past four decades the primary goal of American foreign policy--overriding all others--has been to bring about this kind of peace.
The methods we use are many and varied. They include day-to-day diplomacy, talks with heads of friendly governments, tireless efforts to work out amicably the dashes of interest that naturally arise even among friends. They include building the mechanisms of peace, such as treaties of friendship and the United Nations. They involve the effort to take specific steps toward peace, among them, satisfactory disarmament plans. They include information activities, cultural programs, educational exchanges and promotion of mutually profitable trade. And they involve the program of mutual security.
It is with this last item that I shall principally deal.
It is my conviction that, urgent as the outlay for our own missiles and other modern weapons may be, a strong program of military and economic aid is equally urgent.
This is a strong statement. But it is bare, plain, fact.
My friends, we are talking about a program that has been proving its worth in practice for over ten years. And yet, every time another year comes round, the mutual security program is compelled to engage in a life-and-death struggle for its very existence.
Why? The reason is that the attack is based, not on the record, not on the facts. It is based on slogans, prejudices, penny-wise economy and above all, an outright refusal to look at the world of 1958 as it really is.
What the ostrich-like opponents of mutual security seem to be saying is this: "Billions for armament, but not one cent for peace !" Now let's get away from sloganeering; let's look at facts.
To do so, let us seek answers to three simple questions.
What is the mutual security program?
What good has it done?
What is its present function?
WHAT IS MUTUAL SECURITY?
Now mutual aid is of two kinds: military and economic.
Of these, the military side is much the larger. In our request for 1959, the sum needed for direct military assistance to others is one billion eight hundred million dollars. "Defense support," which is the financial assistance we give certain countries in order to help them maintain military forces, accounts for another 830 million dollars. The military strength maintained by these friendly countries is as necessary to our security as it is to theirs. We depend on that strength. Moreover, the unit costs in sustaining this allied power are far less than in producing similar strength from our own resources.
If we should attempt to do the whole task ourselves our over-all costs would go up at an appalling rate. The number of young men inducted into our armed forces would be sharply increased.
In short, I know of no responsible military authority who would for one moment consider abandoning or weakening our program of military aid.
But having provided, with the cooperation of our friends, for safety against military assault, we face only a bleak future of indefinite support of huge armaments unless we get on with the constructive work of peace. One of the major tools available to us, which serves both defensive and constructive purposes, is economic aid.
Economic and technical aid totals one billion three hundred million dollars. This is about one-half of what we spend for the military portions of our programs.
The larger part of this activity falls under three headings.
One is technical assistance. often these countries have the needed funds, and labor, and determination, to carry out splendid development programs. These include improvements in irrigation, agriculture, roads, dams, health projects, schools and industrial facilities. Our small investment in providing the special skills of our experts supplies the necessary spark to release all this creative energy.
Another major part of economic aid is loans. Many of the newly-developing countries cannot, in the early stages, borrow money from investors or banks. The new Development Loan fund will tide them over this difficult period, until their own economies become stronger.
Now still another category of economic aid is called Special Assistance.
This includes, among other things, grants where loan repayment would be impossible.
In short, economic aid is designed to bridge the two great gaps that stand in the path of most of the newly-developing countries: lack of trained manpower, the lack of capital.
EVIDENCE OF CONNECTION BETWEEN MUTUAL AID AND PEACE
Now, the second question is: what good has all our mutual aid done? The answer is this. Mutual aid has repeatedly played a major part in keeping free-world countries from losing their freedom. It has thwarted the communist hope of encircling and isolating us by taking over vulnerable smaller countries, through aggression or subversion. I give a few examples.
Consider Greece, in the winter of 1947• Some 30,000 communist guerrillas, financed from foreign sources, had seized control of large parts of the country. The government did not have the resources to strengthen either its small, poorly-equipped forces or the crumbling economy.
At that point, under the Truman Doctrine, United States economic and military aid went to work.
With that help, by the fall of 1949 the number of guerrillas was reduced to less than a thousand, and later wiped out altogether. And, during the years that followed, the tottering economy was restored to pre-war levels.
The result: freedom saved in a crucial sector, communist imperialism checked.
Recall the critical situation in Iran before the fall of Mossadegh. The economy was in chaos. Pro-communist elements within the country were strong. The stage was set for a communist take-over of this strategic country.
But the Shah and his people reacted vigorously, deposed Mossadegh and re-established law and order. American economic and military aid were promptly given and greatly bolstered the new government. Now, the country's oil, so important to our European allies, is flowing once again. A vigorous development program is in progress. Iran has found strength as a nation.
The result: again, freedom saved at a crucial point--communist imperialism checked.
In 1954, we saw a clear case of the connection between mutual aid and peace in Viet-Nam. When Viet-Nam was partitioned in July 1954, South Viet-Nam faced the threat of overt aggression. It had the problem of absorbing nearly a million refugees. The country was full of private armies and subversive groups.
In spite of these appalling difficulties, communist efforts to dominate South Viet-Nam have entirely failed. for this modern miracle, the Viet-Namese people under the dedicated leadership of President Diem deserve great credit. At the same time, American aid of all kinds played an indispensable role. With our help a National Army was organized and trained. Technicians helped the government to set up institutions needed for healthy business and national life.
The result: once more, freedom saved at a highly critical point-communist imperialism checked.
These examples could be multiplied in their number.
Now ask yourselves: if this flood had not been stemmed at these points through these years, where would it be now?
Can there really be anyone left in America who will say: "Never mind. Let these countries go one by one. We shall find peace and security in fortress America."
We might as well try to find peace by building another Chinese Wall. Our hope for permanent security and peace today is not in fortifications and walls. It is in the hearts and minds and unity of purpose of the people whose ideals we share throughout the world.
THE PRESENT CONNECTION BETWEEN MUTUAL AID AND PEACE
Our third question is: what is the present function of mutual aid?
As our mutual aid programs have shifted from meeting post-war emergencies to building the long-range basis for peace, the scene of operations has shifted. Our technical and economic aid is now concentrated heavily in the newly-developing countries of Asia and Africa.
Throughout large parts of these continents, vast reserves of human energy are opening up in a way that has not happened for centuries.
Now this poses a blunt question. Is this tremendous force to become funneled into violence, rioting, destruction of orderly government, and communist exploitation? Or will this force be channeled into producing better education, wider sharing of prosperity, improved health and living standards, and greater freedom, self-determination and self-respect? Is our goal a just and permanent peace or is it merely a precarious security built on arms alone?
If you wonder why there is so much restlessness in such places as the Middle East, South Asia and the far East, look at a single statistic.
Over a large part of this area, the average individual has twenty cents a day to live on.
Now some have asked, and still ask: "Hasn't this been true for centuries? Why then is it suddenly such a problem?" they say.
One reason is that most of the countries involved have recently become independent. The world has seen twenty new countries born since World War II. With independence and with greater knowledge of the outside world there has been a new hope, and a new determination to have a better life.
In these countries the trained communist agent is always present, trying to make communist capital out of this normal and healthy dissatisfaction with needless poverty.
In the last few years the communists have added a new technique: blocked in their efforts to use military force for expansion, they have turned to offers of economic loans and credits--and this in spite of their own low standard of living at home. They are trying to imitate a valuable and needed program we began ten years ago.
But there is a vast difference between the purpose of Russian loans and credits and the purpose of our own economic aid.
The Soviet Union wants to gain economic, and ultimately political, control of the countries she pretends to help.
We, on the other hand, want these countries to stand on their own feet as proud, robust friends and partners with whom we can live in mutual respect.
Improved agriculture and industry raise living standards and give more and more people a solid stake in peace.
Improved education brings greater political stability and international understanding.
Improved health cuts down poverty and misery which are well-known breeding-grounds of disorder and communism.
If we are to find the world we seek, we must catch the vision of the neighborhood of the world. When we have done this, all such measures as mutual world security will seem as natural and as logical--or as necessary to our own good--as our activities for community prosperity, health, and education now seem.
While economic aid undeniably helps other nations, it likewise strengthens our own security and economic position. It establishes good relations with nations from whom we obtain important raw materials and other goods. Asia, for example, supplies five-sixths of the world's natural rubber and half of its tin. Moreover, the countries principally concerned represent the greatest potential market for future trade relations. Already they are buying five times as much from us as they did in 1938.
If anyone, then, wants to judge this entire program only on a "what's-in-it-for-me" basis, he can find all the justification he needs. But beyond this, if others want to add another element, "Do unto others as you would have them do unto you," I see no reason to apologize for acknowledging this kind of motive.
I can see no great evidence of intelligence in sneering at "do-gooders" if their "do-gooding" helps America at the same time that it helps our friends.
But it is not a primary purpose of mutual aid to produce expressions of gratitude and affection.
We should rather look for these things: is economic aid helping these countries to hold off communist attempts to turn discontent into subversion? Is it helping them to become sturdy, self-respecting members of a peaceful free-world community? Is it helping to win, for all of us, a secure and just peace?
The answer is "Yes."
Tonight I am not discussing the importance to peace and to our own domestic prosperity of the fullest possible trade with other nations-trade which means jobs to more than 4? million Americans. That would take another speech all by itself. But let me try to pack my views into one or two sentences.
Under current conditions, the urgency of both our mutual security and our reciprocal trade agreements legislation leaves no margin for error. They are not merely useful suggestions or helpful hints.
They are Iron Imperatives of Security and the building of true peace.
MUTUAL AID AND THE SOVIET UNION
Of course, in the last analysis, the success of our efforts for peace depends heavily on our relations with the Soviet Union. We urgently want these relations improved.
We have urged that orderly preparatory discussions be undertaken to lay the groundwork for a productive high-level conference. A start has been made toward increased exchanges of people and ideas. A greatly increased flow, in both directions, of leaders of thought in the two countries would be productive in making the voices of our two peoples more influential than are the pronouncements of governments. In line with this thought I suggested, in a recent letter, that visitors to us by such non-governmental Soviet leaders would be welcomed.
Another American proposal is that, beginning perhaps with cooperative projects aimed at conquering major diseases, we might embark upon a broad program of Science for Peace.
Moreover, our country proposes that we seek without delay to work out practical mechanisms to ensure that Outer Space will be devoted only to peaceful uses.
But whatever the subject, whatever the means, we will spare no exertion, we will neglect no approach whenever there is any promise of another step, large or small, toward a world of prosperity, justice and harmony.
In conclusion, my fellow Americans, the action I would like to ask of you is simple. It is your fullest support of the pending programs of mutual military and economic aid.
Success in these fields, as always in a democracy, depends on you.
It depends on the fullest understanding by every American of the importance of these programs to our country, as well as an understanding of the hopes and needs and views of our friends overseas. It depends not only on what we are willing to give, but on what we are willing to receive and to learn from others. It depends on our realization of the indispensable role played by mutual aid to produce a safe and peaceful world.
And remember this: as our aid program goes forward with your support, people all over the world will know that it is not a maneuver carried out by dictators--it is rather an expression of good will and basic common sense coming from the voluntary act of a great and free people.
This is no time for shortsighted narrowness. The array of leaders of both parties who have come together here today is eloquent proof that on this issue partisanship has indeed taken a holiday. The urgency of the times and the opportunity before us call for greatness of spirit transcending all Party considerations.
The tasks of building and sustaining a mighty military shield are hard, and tremendously costly. The tasks of patiently building a sound place in a sound world are less costly, but even harder.
Americans have always shown a greatness of spirit and capacity of understanding equal to the demands of both war and peace. With faith in their God, and with unshakable devotion to their country, Americans will show these qualities now, and in the years ahead.
Thank you and good night.
Note: The President spoke at the Statler Hotel, Washington, D.C.
http://www.cdc.gov/media/releases/2014/s930-ebola-confirmed-case.html
CDC
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
Press Release
For Immediate Release: Tuesday, September 30, 2014
Contact: Media Relations
CDC and Texas Health Department Confirm First Ebola Case Diagnosed in the U.S.
Hospitalized patient had recently returned from West Africa; active contact tracing underway.
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) confirmed today, through laboratory tests, the first case of Ebola to be diagnosed in the United States in a person who had traveled to Dallas, Texas from Liberia. The patient did not have symptoms when leaving West Africa, but developed symptoms approximately four days after arriving in the U.S. on Sept. 20.
The person fell ill on Sept. 24 and sought medical care at Texas Health Presbyterian Hospital of Dallas on Sept. 26. After developing symptoms consistent with Ebola, he was admitted to hospital on Sept. 28. Based on the person’s travel history and symptoms, CDC recommended testing for Ebola. The medical facility isolated the patient and sent specimens for testing at CDC and at a Texas lab participating in the CDC’s Laboratory Response Network. CDC and the Texas Health Department reported the laboratory test results to the medical center to inform the patient. A CDC team is being dispatched to Dallas to assist with the investigation.
“Ebola can be scary. But there’s all the difference in the world between the U.S. and parts of Africa where Ebola is spreading. The United States has a strong health care system and public health professionals who will make sure this case does not threaten our communities,” said CDC Director, Dr. Tom Frieden, M.D., M.P.H. “While it is not impossible that there could be additional cases associated with this patient in the coming weeks, I have no doubt that we will contain this.”
http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2013-06-27/news/sns-rt-usa-immigrationobamaurgent-20130627_1_immigration-plan-u-s-immigration-laws-u-s-house
Chicago Tribune
Obama urges U.S. House to approve Senate-backed immigration plan
June 27, 2013 Reuters
WASHINGTON, June 27 (Reuters) - President Barack Obama urged the House of Representatives on Thursday to follow the lead of the Senate and approve a sweeping overhaul of U.S. immigration laws.
"Today, the Senate did its job. It's now up to the House to do the same," Obama said in a statement issued after the Senate voted 68-32 to pass the immigration plan. The statement was issued from Dakar, Senegal, where Obama was traveling.
1994 United States television miniseries "The Stand" DVD video:
01:38:38 Disc 1
Larry Underwood: You know something? Ha! I've seen this guy before. In Times Square, just before everything went to hell. Screaming about monsters. Now, he said they were coming.
Nadine Cross: He was right.
- posted by H.V.O.M - Kerry Wayne Burgess 2:53 PM Pacific Time Spokane Valley Washington USA Tuesday 26 May 2015